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CONTRIBUTIONS 

OF  THE  CANADIAN  JESUITS  TO  THE 

GEOGRAPHICAL  KNOWLEDGE 

OF  NEW  FRANCE 

1632-1675 


A  THESIS 


PRESENTED    TO    THE    FACULTY   OF  THE   GRADUATE   SCHOOL 
OF  CORNELL   UNIVERSITY    IN   PARTIAL    FULFILL- 
MENT OF    THE    REQUIREMENTS 
FOR    THE    DEGREE 
OF 


DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


B;^  NELLIS  M.  GROUSE 


JUNE,  1924 


i  A 


CORNELL  PUBLICATIONS  PRINTING  COMPANY 
ITHACA,  NEW  YORK 


CONTENTS 
CHAPTER  I 

Introduction 

Extent  of  New  France  in  seventeenth  centurj'. — Meaning  of  geog- 
raphical information. — Cartography  in  Holland;  Hondius- Jansson,  Blaeu, 
Visscher:  in  France;  Sanson,  de  Lisle,  Franquelin,  Bourdon:  in  Italy; 
Coronelli:  in  England. — Champlain  as  a  cartographer. — Illiteracy  of 
pioneers  and  fur  traders. — Jesuits  as  purveyors  of  geographical  informa- 
tion.— Their  fitness  for  the  business. — Religion  as  an  impelling  motive 
for  their  explorations. — Their  scientific  knowledge. — Their  attempts  to 
compute  longitude. — Difficulties  that  confronted  them. — Hostility  of  the 
Indians.— Aid  given  them  by  the  Indians. — Difficulties  of  the' Indian 
dialects. — Scientific  instruments  carried  by  the  Jesuits  on  their  ex- 
cursions.— Jesuit  maps  no  longer  extant:  Lalemant's,  Ragueneau's,  the 
one  mentioned  by  Brebeuf,  Bressani's,  Jogues',  Druillettes' — The  Jesuit 
Relations  as  sources  of  information. — Their  popularity. — Method  of 
studying  the  geographical  contributions  of  the   Jesuits 7 

CHAPTER  II 

Contributions  of  the   Jesuits  to  the  Knowledge  of  the 
Eastern  Great  Lakes 

section  I 

Geographical  Knowledge  of  New  France  at  the  Coming  of  the  Jesuits 

Champlain's  map  of  1632. — His  expedition  to  Lake  Champlain. — 
Journey  to  Lake  Huron  and  central  New  York  State. — Geography  of  these 
regions  as  shown  on  his  map. — Champlain's  information  regarding  Lake 
Superior 31 

section  2 

Contributions  to  the  Geography  of  Upper  Canada 

The  Jesuits  advance  up  the  Ottawa  River  to  Lake  Huron. — Huronia, 
its  location. — Father  Le  Caron,  Recollect,  precedes  the  Jesuits  to  Huronia. 
— He  dispatches  Daillon  to  the  Neutral  Nation. — First  missions  in 
Huronia. — Expedition  of  Brebeuf  and  Chaumonot  to  the  Neutrals. — 
Location  of  their  route.— They  give  the  first  information  regarding  Lake 
Erie.; — Jogues  and  Raymbault  proceed  to  the  Sault. — Geographical  des- 
cription of  the  Lakes  given  by  Ragueneau. — Sanson's  effort  to  depict  the 
Lakes. — Creuxius'  map  of  Huronia. — Location  of  various  missions  in  Hur- 
onia as  told  in  the  Relations  and  as  found  on  Creuxius'  map 37 

section  3 

Reports  of  the  Jesuits  regarding  Northern  and  Central  New  York 

Jesuits  advance  up  the  St.  Lawrence. — The  Dutch,  their  ignorance  of 
the  geography  of  central  New  York. — Van  der  Donck's  description  of  New 
Netherland. — Dutch  maps. — Bogaert's  journey  up  the  Mohawk  Valley. — 


4    Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

Radisson  in  central  New  York. — Jogues  discovers  Lake  George. — The 
lake  shown  on  French  maps. — Jesuit  map  of  1664-5. — Jesuit  knowledge 
of  the  location  of  the  Iroquois  tribes. — Poncet  visits  the  Iroquois. — Le 
Moyne  discovers  the  Thousand  Islands  and  the  Oswego  River. — Early  con- 
ception of  the  mouth  of  Lake  Ontario. — Dablon  follows  Le  Moyne  to 
central  New  York. — Discoveries  of  Le  Moyne  and  Dablon  shown  on  subse- 
quent maps. — Knowledge  of  the  Finger  Lake  region. — Raffeix'  map  of 
that  territory. — Franquelin's  illustration  of  it 54 

CHAPTER  III 
Jesuit  Contributions  in  the  Mississippi  Valley 

section  I 
First  Definite  Knowledge  of  Green  Bay  and  the  Fox  River 

Jean  Nicolet's  discovery  of  Green  Bay. — Its  report  by  the  Jesuits. — 
Extent  of  his  exploration. — Meaning  of  'Ouinipeg;'  influence  of  the  word 
on  exploration. — First  report  of  Lake  Michigan  as  distinguished  from 
Green  Bay. — AUouez  visits  Green  Bay  and  the  Fox  River. — Description 
of  the  region  he  traversed. — The  Lake  Superior  Map. — Allouez'  informa- 
tion reproduced  on  it. — Tidal  disturbances  in  the  Great  Lakes 79 

section  2 

First  Appearance  of  the  Mississippi  in  Cartographical  Form 

Early  Spanish  maps  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.— Refutation  of  the  belief  that 
the  Rio  Espiritu  Santo  shown  on  them  was  the  Mississippi. — Early  ficti- 
tious voyages  to  the  Mississippi. — Radisson  and  Groseilliers  at  the  Missis- 
sippi.— They  fail  to  disclose  their  discovery. — Alleged  discovery  of  La  Salle 
in  1671. — Talon's  interest  in  a  route  to  the  western  sea. — Jesuits  gather 
reports  regarding  the  same. — Joliet  and  Marquette  selected  to  lead  the 
expedition  to  the  Mississippi. — They  start  from  Michilimackinac  in  1673 — 
They  ascend  the  Fox  River. — Reach  the  Mississippi  by  the  Wisconsin. — 
Descend  the  Mississippi  to  the  Arkansas,  noting  points  of  interest. — Return 
to  Lake  Michigan  by  the  Illinois  River. — First  maps  of  the  Mississippi: 
Marquette's,  Joliet's  and  IThevenot's. — They  are  discussed  with  a  view 
to  establishing  priority. — Thevenot's  map,  a  Jesuit  production,  is  the 
first  to  be  published. — Later  maps  of  Joliet.— The  Mission  Map. — 
Raffeix'  map  of  the  Mississippi  Valley. — Franquelin's  map  of  1688. — 
Coronelli's  map. — Marquette's  second  expedition  to  the  Illinois  River. — 
The  Great  Lakes  Map 89 

CHAPTER  IV 
The  Jesuits  in  the  Lake  Superior  Region 

Early  knowledge  of  Lake  Superior. — Brule's  claim  to  the  discovery  of 
the  lake. — Radisson  and  Groseilliers  discover  the  lake. — M4nard  estab- 
lishes the  first  mission  on  the  lake;  his  death. — Jesuit  reports  of  Lake 
Superior. — Allouez  explores  the  lake  and  makes  his  report. — Dablon  com- 
piles full  report  from  missionaries  and  Indians. — Lake  Superior  Map;  its 
accuracy 124 


Contents  5 

CHAPTER  V 

The  Jesuits  and  the  Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea 

Champlain  gives  first  report  of  Saguenay  region  and  Lake  St.  John. — 
Indian  reports  of  a  northern  sea. — De  Quen's  voyage  to  Lake  St.  John. — 
His  information  reproduced  on  maps. — Druillettes  sends  in  an  account  of 
the  routes  from  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Hudson  Bay.— The  territory  be- 
tween these  two  bodies  of  water  described. — Druillettes'  account  of  the 
six  routes. — The  first  route  identified  by  Creuxius'  assistance. — Its  repro- 
duction on  subsequent  maps. — The  other  routes  traced. — Their  portrayal 
by  Creuxius. — Druillettes'  account  of  Atawanik's  journey  to  Hudson 
Bay. — Interest  in  the  northern  routes. — Current  geographical  know- 
ledge regarding  Hudson  Bay. — Dablon's  attempt  to  reach  the  Bay. — 
Claim  that  Radisson  and  Groseilliers  discovered  an  overland  trail. — 
Minor  French  claims  to  that  achievement. — Talon  dispatches  Albanel  to 
Hudson  Bay. — Albanel's  journey. — Its  influence  on  map-making. — 
French  lose  interest  in  the  route. — Father  Nouvel's  discovery  on  the 
lower  St.  Lawrence 139 

Conclusion 169 


CHAPTER  I 

Introduction 

THE  development  of  North  American  cartography,  from  the 
elementary  conceptions  of  the  sixteenth  century  to  the  finished 
product  of  modern  times,  presents  to  the  investigator  some  in- 
teresting problems,  foremost  among  which  may  be  reckoned  an 
attempt  to  trace  the  sources  from  which  the  necessarj'-  geographical 
information  was  derived.  Fortunately  for  the  prosecution  of  this 
work  there  was,  among  the  early  explorers  of  New  France,  a  body 
of  men  whose  members  were  peculiarly  adapted  to  sustain  the  hard- 
ships of  travel  in  the  American  wilderness  and  to  leave  behind 
them  intelligent  reports  of  the  territories  they  had  traversed.  This 
organization  was  the  Society  of  Jesus. 

As  we  are  discussing  the  geography  of  New  France  it  may  be 
well  to  understand  at  the  outset,  before  taking  up  sources  of  geog- 
raphical information,  that  the  term,  New  France,  is  an  elastic  one 
and  is  by  no  means  confined  to  modern  Canada.  In  the  seventeenth 
century  the  boundaries  between  the  French  possessions  and  those 
of  England  and  the  Netherlands  were  extremely  vague,  each  nation 
pre-empting  vast  territories  by  claims  based  on  some  early  dis- 
covery. We  find  New  France  described  in  Jesuit  records  as  'an 
immense  region  adjoining  Brazil  and  Peru  on  the  north,  and  op- 
posite the  coast  of  Aquitaine  in  a  westerly  direction.'^  But  the 
name  Canada  seems  to  be  confined  to  the  territory  adjoining  the 
St.  Lawrence  River  and  its  gulf.  According  to  one  authority  New 
France  is  restricted  on  its  southern  boundary  by  the  thirty-ninth 
degree  of  north  latitude,  while  it  extends  indefinitely  to  the  north 
and  west.2  Other  writers  are  more  modest  in  their  claims,  bringing 
the  region  within  the  forty-first  and  fifty-third  parallels.^  Com- 
plaint is  also  made  that  the  English  curb  the  French  still  further. 
'They  grant  us  then  a  new  France,'  writes  Father  Biard,  'but 
bound  it  by  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  [of  St.  Lawrence]  and  the  great 
river  Saint  Lawrence,  and  restrict  us  within  the  47th,  48th,  and 

1  R.  G.  Thwaites.  Jesuit  Relations  etc.  Relation  of  Occurences  in  1613  and 
lijl4,_  Vol.  II,  p.  199.  In  quoting  from  the  Relations  I  have  followed  the 
English  text,  save  in  certain  instances  when  I  have  made  my  own  translations. 
These  latter  will  be  indicated  by  page  references  to  the  original  French  versions. 

Uhid. 

'  Letter  of  Biard  to  General  of  the  Order.    Jan.  31,  161 1.    /.  R.  II,  p.  67. 


8     Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

49th  degrees  of  north  latitude.  At  least  they  do  not  allow  us  to 
go  farther  south  than  the  forty-sixth  degree,  claiming  all  that 
country  from  Florida  and  the  33rd  degree  up  to  Campseau  and  the 
Islands  of  Cape  Breton.'^  Then,  as  if  calling  on  Heaven  to  witness 
the  unwarranted  claims  of  perfidious  Albion,  he  continues:  'Now 
by  the  common  consent  of  all  Europe,  New  France  is  represented 
as  extending  at  least  as  far  as  the  38fch  or  39th  degree,  as  it  appears 
on  the  maps  of  the  world  printed  in  Spain,  Italy,  Holland,  Ger- 
many, and  England  itself. '^  Many  years  later  Nicolas  Sanson 
published  a  map,  Amerique  Septentrionale,^  showing  a  line  of  de- 
marcation so  drawn  as  to  give  New  France  the  entire  St.  Lawrence 
Basin  with  all  its  ramifications.  Labrador  and  the  territory 
around  Hudson  Bay  we  judge,  from  the  Enghsh  names,  to  have 
been  grudgingly  conceded  to  Britain. 

This  shows  the  evolution  of  the  geographical  conception  of 
New  France.  But  for  our  purpose  we  shall  consider  the  territory 
as  the  New  France  of  La  Salle  and  Frontenac,  namely,  the  region 
comprising  the  St.  Lawrence  Basin,  including  its  tributaries  in 
New  York  State,  the  Mississippi  Valley,  and  the  vast  district  be- 
tween the  St.  Lawrence  and  Hudson  Bay.  We  shall  confine  our 
discussion  of  geographical  contributions  to  those  features  that  are 
ordinarily  found  on  maps,  such  as  lakes,  rivers,  mountains  and 
bays,  with  an  occasional  reference  to  Indian  settlements,  in  short 
to  those  things  that  come  within  the  scope  of  physical  as  distin- 
guished from  other  branches  of  geographical  science.  This  compels 
us  to  leave  untouched  those  vast  reservoirs  of  information  on  such 
subjects  as  mineralogy,  ethnology  and  natural  history,  contained 
in  the  Jesuit  Relations,  subjects  which  we  feel  are  each  worthy  of 
a  separate  study. 

It  is  necessary  for  us  to  indulge  at  this  point  in  a  short  digres- 
sion and  give  a  brief  account  of  the  development  of  cartography  in 
Europe  during  the  seventeenth  century.  As  we  shall  have  occasion 
to  refer  to  the  Dutch  map-makers  when  we  come  to  discuss  the  ex- 
plorations in  western  New  York  State,  a  brief  survey  of  their  work 
is  highly  advisable.  Holland  was  the  headquarters  of  geographical 
science  during  the  late  sixteenth  and  early  seventeenth  centuries. 

1  Biard's  Relation,  1616.  J.  R.  IV,  pp.  99-101.    The  33rd  degree  is  a  trifle 
to  the  north  of  Charleston,  S.  C. 
''Ibid.  p.  107. 
'  See  copy  of  this  map  facing  p.  47.    It  was  published  in  1650. 


Introduction  9 

Her  cartographers,  not  only  collected  from  all  available  sources 
information  that  would  aid  them  in  producing  maps,  up  to  date 
in  every  respect,  but  devoted  their  time  to  developing  the  scientific 
technique  of  their  art,  to  which  they  applied  the  latest  results  of 
mathematics  and  astronomy.  Nor  was  the  engraver's  skill 
neglected;  for  charts  and  atlases  were  embellished  with  drawings 
of  a  highly  artistic  character,  sometimes  produced  in  ink,  but  often 
in  beautiful  colors  that  remain  undimmed  after  the  lapse  of  many 
years.  Views  of  cities,  symbolic  figures,  vessels  and  sea-monsters 
are  profuse,  while  the  region  which  the  map  portrays  is  frequently 
illustrated  by  drawings  of  its  inhabitants,  its  fauna  and  its  flora,  a 
scheme  that  is  particularly  noticeable  on  charts  of  foreign  la  ads, 
where  illustrations  serve  to  enliven  the  texts  that  accompany  them. 
But  despite  the  lead  they  took  in  map-making  the  Dutch  show  a 
surprising  ignorance  of  the  sources  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  even  after 
their  French  fellow-craffcsmen  had  outlined  the  region  with  a  fair 
degree  of  accuracy.  It  might  be  urged  that  this  was  due  to  French 
control  of  geographical  information  concerning  Canada;  but  such 
an  explanation  is  hardly  satisfactory,  as  the  Jesuit  Relations,  the 
principal  source  of  such  knowledge,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  were 
accessible  to  Dutch  as  well  as  French.  More  Hkely  it  was  because 
the  commercial  instinct,  which  influenced  Dutch  engraving  houses, 
was  having  its  baneful  effect  on  cartographic  art.  Dutch  geo- 
graphers, for  purposes  of  thrift,  were  prone  to  use  the  same  plates 
over  and  over  again,  satisfying  the  dictates  of  conscience  by  minor 
changes  that  did  not  involve  much  expense.  The  publishing 
companies  issued  atlases  for  the  sake  of  gain,  and  this  was  es- 
pecially true  after  the  founder  of  the  house  (usually  a  skilled  en- 
graver) had  died,  and  the  business  had  fallen  into  less  scrupulous 
hands.  Confusion  was  also  caused  by  the  system  of  employing 
a  staff  of  engravers,  several  of  whom  worked  upon  a  plate,  thus 
making  it  impossible  to  learn  how  much  labor,  if  any,  was  done 
by  the  man  whose  name  it  bears.  Occasionally,  too,  publishers 
engaged  in  the  pernicious  practice  of  replacing  the  engraver's 
name  by  their  own.^ 

One  of  the  principal  engraving  houses  in  the  Netherlands  was 
the  Hondius- Jansson  firm  that  issued  several  series  of  atlases,  com- 

1 W.   Redmond  Cross.     Dutch  Cmiographers  of  the  Seventeenth   Century. 
Geographical  Review.    Vol.  VI,  191 8,  p.  68. 


10  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

posed  of  plates  obtained  from  Gerard  Mercator,  to  which  Hondius 
and  Jansson  added  some  of  their  own.  In  1633  they  pubHshed  the 
Atlas  Novus,  in  two  vohimes,  which  was  translated  into  several 
languages,  an  English  edition  appearing  in  163 5. ^  Later  the  work 
was  published  under  Jansson's  name  alone,  and  was  gradually  en- 
larged until  the  final  edition  totalled  eight  volumes,  and  with  these 
should  also  be  included  four  supplementary  ones  in  order  to  have 
the  work  complete. ^  The  number  of  editions  published  in  this 
series  is  enormous,  and  they  were  translated  from  the  Latin  text 
into  English,  Dutch,  French  and  German,  so  that  they  formed  a 
standard  of  geography  throughout  Europe.  The  American  maps 
in  these  atlases  are  few,  and  apparently  no  effort  was  made  to  keep 
them  up  to  date,  knov/ledge  of  the  western  hemisphere  being 
compiled  and  made  public  bj''  other  cartographers. 

A  rival  to  the  Hondius- Jansson  establishment  was  the  house 
of  Bleau,  for  a  long  time  one  of  the  great  Dutch  engraving  firms. 
The  rivalry  between  these  two  concerns  reached  an  acrimonious 
pitch  that  passed  the  bounds  of  friendly  competition.  There  were 
charges  and  counter-charges  of  plagiarism;  and,  no  doubt,  there 
was  some  truth  behind  it  all,  since  this  practice  was  not  an  uncom- 
mon one  among  cartographic  engravers.  The  work  of  Willem 
Janszoon  Bleau  and  that  of  his  sons,  John  and  Cornelius,  who 
succeeded  him  after  bis  death  in  1638,  was  excellent  and  was  un- 
excelled, perhaps,  by  any  other  establishment  in  the  Netherlands, 
save  the  Elzevir  press.  The  Blaeus  produced  four  separate  atlases — 
translated  into  four  different  tongues— executed  with  appreciation 
of  the  niceties  of  the  engraver's  art,  as  well  as  of  the  requirements  of 
scientific  skill.  After  spending  several  years  working  on  globes 
and  miscellaneous  charts,  notably  his  world  map  of  1606,  Blaeu 
collected  his  various  productions  into  an  atlas  called.  Appendix 
theatri  A.  Ortelii  etc?  which  saw  light  in  1631.  Later  we  find  him 
editing  the  Tooneel  des  aerdriicx,  ofte  nievwe  atlas  etc.,^  published  first 
in  Dutch  (1635),  then  in  French.  But  his  greatest  work  is  prob- 
ably the  Atlas  maior  sive  Cosmographiae  Blaviana  etc.  (1662), 
consisting  of  eleven  volumes,  which  were  increased  to  twelve  in  the 

*  Justin  Winsor.     Nar.  &  Crit.  Hist,  of  America.    Vol.  IV,  p.  374. 
'  Joachim  Lelewel.    Geographie  du  Moyen  Age.    1852.    Epilogue,  p.  222. 
^  P.  L.  Phillips.    A  List  of  Geo.  Atlases  in  Lib.  of  Congress.  Vol.  I,  pp.  195 
and  196. 

^Ibid.  p.  195. 


Introduction  ■  1 1 

French  edition.^  The  Latin  edition  appearing  in  1665,  to  which 
was  added  seven  volumes  covering  analogous  subjects,  is  considered 
by  critics  to  be  the  finest  production  of  the  house  of  Blaeu.^  Even 
the  Sultan  of  Turkey  ordered  a  copy  translated  into  Turkish.  In 
1672  the  Blaeu  establishment  Vk^as  destroyed  by  fire,  and  the  plates 
passed  into  the  hands  of  Frederick  de  Witt,  in  whose  atlases  we 
find  them  reappearing.^ 

Among  the  lesser  lights  of  the  geographical  firmament  was 
Claes  Jansz.  Visscher  (piscator),  who  began  his  work  as  an  ap- 
prentice under  the  tutelage  of  Hondius  and  Blaeu.  In  16 12  he 
started  in  business  for  himself,  and  produced  maps  that  were  con- 
sidered to  be  of  a  rather  poor  quality,  as  they  were  criticized  for 
lack  of  neatness  and  an  absence  of  boundaries  and  other  necessary 
features.  Only  after  the  sketches  had  been  retouched  by  a  com- 
petent mathematician  did  they  find  a  sale,  and  then  chiefly  be- 
cause of  their  cheapness.  Under  Visscher's  son,  Nicolas,  a  man 
who  had  travelled  extensively  in  his  youth,  the  maps  were  im- 
proved, so  that  they  came  to  be  regarded  as  possessing  a  high  de- 
gree of  excellence.  In  1677  the  younger  Visscher  was  given  the 
privilege  of  making  maps  for  fifteen  years  by  the  states  of  Holland 
and  Westfriesland  'because  of  his  neat  and  curious  sketches  and 
maps  of  land,  cities,  and  rivers.'  Nicolas  Visscher's  son,  Nicolas 
junior,  born  in  1649,  followed  in  his  father's  footsteps,  and  after 
the  death  of  the  younger  man  his  widow  continued  the  business. 
A  few  of  his  maps  came  into  the  possession  of  Peter  Schenck.* 

Despite  the  great  strides  made  by  the  Dutch  in  geography  and 
map-making  dming  the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  these 
sciences  did  not  flourish  in  France  until  the  reign  of  Louis  XIII, 
when  Nicolas  Sanson  began  his  work.^  Born  at  Abbeville  in  1600, 
Sanson  was  educated  by  his  father  in  the  science  of  geography,  and 
at  the  early  age  of  sixteen  he  drew  a  map  of  ancient  Gaul  that  at- 
tracted considerable  attention  and  secured  him  the  patronage  of 
Cardinal  Richelieu  and  of  his  sovereign,  Louis  XIII,  who  later 
appointed  him  Royal  Geographer  and  Councilor  of  State.    In  the 

^Ihid.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  146. 

^Frederick  Mliller  &  Co.    Cat  of  Geo.  Bonks  and  Pamphlets,  1843.    p.  20. 

^E.  L.  Stevenson.  Willem  Janszoon  Blaeu.  pp.  12  to  26.  Lelewel.  Ibid. 
Epilogue,  p.  223. 

*  Kurt  Jolig.  Niederldndische  Einfusse  in  der  Deutschen  Kartographie 
besonders  des  18  Jahrhundrets.    1903.    paragraph  on  Visscher. 

^  Robert  de  Vaugondy.    Essai  sur  I'Historie  de  la  Geographie.  i  755.  p.  217. 


12  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

latter  capacity  it  appears  that  he  was  frequently  consulted  by  the 
King  on  matters  of  importance,  though  he  never  publicly  assumed 
the  dignity  to  which  he  was  entitled  because  of  a  curious  notion 
that  his  exalted  position  might  diminish  the  love  of  work  in  his 
children.^  Sanson  contributed  much  to  cartography;  and  though 
he  is  accused  of  hastiness  and  a  failure  to  take  advantage  of  as- 
tronomical discoveries^ — a  fault  that  caused  him  many  errors  in 
longitude — his  maps  of  New  France  excelled  by  far  anything  pro- 
duced up  to  that  time.^  In  1646  he  began  an  atlas,  containing 
some  fifteen  American  maps,  which  was  published  at  Paris  about 
1656.  Later  editions  appeared  in  1657,  1658  and  1662.  Sanson 
died  in  1667,  leavmg  his  business,  comprising  about  four  hundred 
plates,  to  his  sons,  Adrien  and  Guilliaume,  who  continued  their 
father's  work;  but,  unfortunately,  they  remained  contended  with 
their  inheritance,  and  failed  to  utilize  later  information  and  more 
advanced  methods  of  calculation.  His  plates  were  also  used  in 
1692  for  an  atlas  produced  by  the  younger  Sansons  and  Hubert 
Jaillot.^ 

At  the  beginning  of  the  following  century  there  came  into 
prominence  a  man  named  Guilliaume  de  Lisle,  the  founder  of 
modern  geographical  science.  His  early  efforts  were  influenced  by 
the  scientist  Cassini,  whose  work  helped  to  rectify  the  prevailing 
errors  of  longitude.  From  Cassini's  planisphere  de  Lisle  construct- 
ed a  mappemonde  and  numerous  smaller  charts,  which  were 
published  in  1699  and  1700.  This  work  established  his  reputation, 
but  earned  him  the  envy  of  the  Royal  Geographer  Nolin,  with 
whom  a  controversy  arose,  in  which  the  latter  was  accused  of 
plagiarizing  de  Lisle's  work  and  embodying  its  main  features  in  his 
own  maps.  In  17 18  de  Lisle  became  royal  geographer,  but  his 
death  eight  years  later  cut  short  a  promising  career.^ 

The  name  of  Jean  Baptiste  Louis  Franquelin  is  closely  linked 
with  North  American  cartography,  for  this  skilled  draughtsman 
produced  some  of  the  best  maps  of  North  America  published  dur- 
ing the  seventeenth  century.    Born  at  St.  Michel  de  Villebernin, 

1  Robert  de  Vaugondy.   Ibid.  p.  219. 

^  M.  Vivien  de  Saint-Martin.    Historie  de  la  Georgraphie  ei  des  Decouvertes 
Geographiques.    1873.  p.  421. 

^  Michaud.    Biographic  Universelle.   Vol.  XXXVII,  p.  654. 

*  Winsor.    Nar.  &  Crit.  Hisi.    Vol.  IV,  p.  375.    Lelewel.   Ibid.  p.  229. 

^  Biographic  Universelle.   Vol.  X,  pp.  333  and  334. 


Introduction  13 

near  Bourges,  between  165 1  and  1653,  Franquelin  came  to  Canada 
about  1672.  Here  he  lived  in  a  condition  of  semi-poverty,  con- 
tinually vexed  by  his  creditors,  until  he  obtained,  as  a  partial 
recognition  for  his  services,  a  moratorium  on  his  debts  for  a  period 
of  eighteen  months.  Governor  La  Barre  was  particularly  impressed 
with  his  skill.  He  wrote  to  Colbert,  the  French  minister,  in  1683, 
that  the  young  man  showed  great  promise,  and  was  working  on 
a  map  that  would  be  sent  to  the  King  the  following  year.  Mean- 
while, financial  assistance  was  requested  for  Franquelin,  the  gover- 
nor having  made  some  slight  advances  to  tide  him  over  his  difii- 
culties.  Four  years  later  Franquelin  was  appointed  hydrographer 
to  the  King,  with  a  salary  of  four  hundred  livres  a  year.  No  re- 
cord of  Franquelin's  death  exists,  but  in  so  far  as  his  career  in 
America  is  concerned,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  after  the  death  of  his 
wife  and  children  by  shipwreck  in  1693  he  disappears  from  Canad- 
ian affairs.^ 

Jean  Bourdon,  who  came  to  Canada  in  1634,  was  also  a  designer 
of  maps.  He  held,  besides  several  minor  posts,  the  position  of 
procurer-general  to  His  Majesty  and  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of 
considerable  influence.  After  his  expedition  to  the  Iroquois  with 
Father  Jogues  in  1646,  he  made  occasional  trips  to  France  in  the 
interests  of  the  colony  as  well  as  for  his  own  private  affairs.^  Per- 
haps on  one  of  these  occasions  he  may  have  taken  with  him  the 
map  which  Father  Jogues  tells  us  they  made  of  the  Iroquois 
country,  and  this  sketch  may  have  had  some  influence  on  subse- 
quent map-making.  A  specimen  of  his  skill  has  come  down  to  us 
in  the  form  of  a  chart  of  the  St.  Lawrence  River  below  Quebec.^ 
We  later  find  Bourdon  as  one  of  those  explorers  upon  whose  voy- 
ages the  French  Government  built  its  claim  to  the  Hudson  Bay 
region,  after  the  great  English  company  had  monopolized  the  fur 
trade  in  that  territory. 

Father  Marc- Vincent  Coronelli  was  the  dean  of  the  Italian 
geographers  during  this  period.  He  first  attracted  attention  bj?- 
his  proficiency  in  mathematical  science,  and  was  employed  by 

^  F.  X.  Chouinard.  Jean  Baptiste  Louis  Franquelin.  Bulletin  de  la  Society 
de  Geographic  de  Qxtehec.  Vol.  15.  ±^3,  May  and  June,  1921.  See  also  Hallam. 
Intr^'duction  to  the  Literature  of  Europe.    Vol.  IV,  p.  345. 

^  J.  R.  IV,  note  on  p.  268.  Henri  Harrisse.  Notes  sur  la  Nouvelle  France. 
p.  192. 

^Harrisse.  Ibid.  #190,  p.  191.  Carte  depuis  Kebec  jusques  an  Cap  des 
Tourmentes.  1641. 


14  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

Cardinal  d'Estrees  to  construct  two  large  terrestial  globes  which  are 
still  preserved  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris.  In  1685  he 
was  named  geographer  to  the  Republic  of  Venice,  and  while  oc- 
cupying this  position  he  compiled  a  large  number  of  maps,  among 
which  is  an  excellent  one  of  the  Great  Lakes  and  the  Mississippi 
Valley,  published  in  1688.  His  work  has  been  criticised  for  lack  of 
exactness,  though  his  American  productions  embody  all  the  in- 
formation that  could  be  obtained  at  that  time.^ 

When  England  acquired  New  Netherland  the  burden  of  the 
map-making  of  this  territory  fell  upon  her  geographers.  Un- 
fortunately, when  tracing  the  interior,  they  do  not  appear  to  have 
kept  in  touch  with  the  latest  efforts  of  the  French.  As  British 
interests  centered  more  along  the  seaboard  than  in  the  interior 
British  geographers  relied  largely  on  charts  of  Dutch  designs  in  de- 
picting their  newly  acquired  province.  The  Dutch,  in  turn,  had 
relied  on  French  authority  for  what  they  showedof  the  Great  Lakes. 
One  can  see  the  French  influence  on  the  Dutch  by  a  glance  at  de 
Laet's  early  map  (1630),^  and  the  comparatively  late  one  in  the 
Janssonius  atlas  (1675),  where  the  Grand  Lac  and  the  Lac  des  Yro- 
quois  proclaim  their  French  origin  by  their  names.  Sometimes, 
however,  the  English  appear  to  have  taken  their  ideas  directly  from 
the  French.  An  English  map,  Nouvelle  France,  by  William  Hack 
(1684)  follows  the  French  idea  as  sketched  by  Sanson,  long  after 
the  French  had  improved  their  designs,  thanks  to  further  explora- 
tions. Mer  Douce  (Lake  Huron)  is  here  translated  too  literally  as 
'the  Grand  Lake  of  the  Sweet  Sea,'  while  Lake  Michigan,  or  rather 
the  little  bay  intended  for  it,  is  called  'Lake  of  the  Puants.'^  Per- 
haps the  best  tribute  that  could  be  paid  to  French  skill  and  know- 
ledge is  the  copy  of  Sanson's  map,  rendered  into  English  bj''  Richard 
Blome  about  1680.^  This  chart,  though  hopelessly  out  of  date 
according  to  more  recent  French  cartography,  is  much  better  than 
anything  produced  by  the  English,  or  even  by  the  Dutch,  in  so  far 

^  Biographie  Universelle.   Vol.  IX,  pp.  252  and  253. 

*  Nova  Anglia,  Novum  Belgium  et  Virginia,  first  published  in  de  Laet's 
Beschrijvinghe  van  West-Indien.  1630. 

3  Nouvelle  France  by  William  Hack  at  the  signe  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland 
near  Newstaire  in  Wapping  1684.  A  copy  of  this  map  may  be  found  in  the 
Library  of  Congress. 

*  A  New  Map  of  America  Septenirionale  designed  by  Monsieur  Sanson,  and 
rendered  into  English  by  Richard  Blome.  A  copy  may  be  found  in  Amer. 
Geo.  Soc.  Library.    ^21 11.    It  has  the  date  1680?  on  margin. 


Introduction  15 

as  Canada  and  the  Great  Lakes  are  concerned.  So  much  for  the 
more  prominent  European  geographers  and  their  works.  We  shall 
meet  with  them  again,  as  well  as  with  the  lesser  lights,  when  we 
have  occasion  to  take  up  their  maps  in  detail. 

The  study  of  the  map-making  of  New  France  begins  properly 
with  the  work  of  Champlain,  although  efforts  were  made  in  the 
sixteenth  century  to  sketch  the  St.  Lawrence  in  a  crude  fashion. 
Champlain  drew  several  charts  based  on  actual  exploration  and  the 
reports  obtained  from  Indians.  His  work  is  summed  up  on  his 
map  of  1632.^  This  chart,  which  we  propose  to  adopt  as  the  start- 
ing point  of  our  investigation,  has  for  us  the  double  advantage  of 
being  sketched  by  the  most  eminent  of  early  Canadian  explorers, 
who  traced  thereon  the  result  of  many  years  of  patient  explora- 
tion, and  of  being  published  the  year  when  Quebec  was  restored  to 
France,  and  the  Jesuits  returned  to  take  up  their  Avork  in  earnest. 
Thus  it  contains  the  latest  geographical  information  that  could  be 
had  when  the  Fathers  began  their  explorations.  The  Jesuits  had, 
it  is  true,  made  some  investigations,  and  reported  the  results  be- 
fore the  year  1632;  but  their  observations  were  either  of  a  very 
general  character,  or  confined  to  territory  also  explored  by  Cham- 
plain. For  this  reason  we  shall  pass  over  thf*  reports  of  Fathers 
Biard  and  Masse,  who  settled  in  Nova  Scotia  (161 1),  and  explored 
its  coasts  and  the  shores  of  Maine  and  New  Brunswick,  since 
Champlain  had  surveyed  this  region  with  great  accuracy  a  few 
years  before  their  arrival.  Champlain  also  designed  two  earlier 
charts,  but  the  material  they  contain  has  been  amplified  and  cor- 
rected on  his  map  of  1632,  so  we  need  not  discuss  them.^ 

The  Jesuits  were  not  the  first  missionaries  to  New  France. 
Shortly  after  the  settlement  of  Quebec  its  founder,  Samuel  de 
Champlain,  who  was  solicitous  for  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the 
Indians,  introduced  into  Canada  four  members  of  the  Recollect 
Order,  and  furnished  them  with  the  necessary  facilities  for  mis- 
sionary work.  The  Recollects  attacked  the  problem  bravely,  but 
after  several  years  of  earnest  effort  they  felt  themselves  unequal  to 
the  task,  and  in  1625  called  in  the  Jesuits  to  their  aid.    They  could 

'  This  is  the  Carte  de  la  Nouvelle  France  etc.  listed  in  Harrisse.  Ibid.  #322, 
p.  227.  Reproduced  on  p.  33. 

^  Carte  geographiquedela  NovvelleFranse  (sic)  etc.  161 2.  See  Harrisse.  Ibid. 
#306,  p.  225.  and  Carte  geographique  de  la  Nouelle  Franse  (sic)  en  son  uray 
meridiein.    1613.  Ibid.  #307,  p.  225. 


1 6  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

not  have  made  a  better  choice.  As  missionaries  the  Jesuit  Fathers 
had  aheady  acquired  a  world  of  experience  in  South  America 
under  conditions  strikingly  similar  to  those  they  were  to  meet 
among  the  Indians  of  North  America.  Nevertheless,  they  were 
not,  as  has  been  often  supposed,  the  first  to  explore  the  remote 
regions  of  Canada.  We  find  in  their  own  narratives,  and  in  the 
narratives  of  others,  occasional  references  to  obscure  men,  whose 
wanderings,  usually  undertaken  for  purposes  of  trade,  had  led 
them  to  places  that  were  subsequently  visited  and  described  by 
the  Jesuits  themselves.  In  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1640  allusion 
is  made  to  traders  who  went  to  the  Neutral  Nation^  with  an  eye  to 
business,  transacting  their  affairs  and  returning  home  without 
leaving  a  written  record  of  their  experiences — at  least  there  is 
none  extant.^  Again,  a  Dutch  explorer,  named  Bogaert,  who 
reached  the  central  part  of  New  York  state  in  1634-5,  tells  of  seeing 
a  large  river  (probably  Oneida  Lake)  upon  which  (so  the  savages 
said)  the  French  came  to  trade,  although  missionaries  did  not  ap- 
pear there  until  twenty  years  later.^  Yet  we  cannot  find  any  record 
left  by  these  traders,  or  any  mention  of  their  journeys  in  other 
sources.  These  incidents  are  examples  of  what  often  took  place. 
The  trader,  usually  a  European  whose  constant  contact  with 
savage  life  robbed  him  of  civilized  instincts,  blazed  the  path  for 
his  more  intelligent  countrymen,  and  then  pushing  forward  into 
the  trackless  wilderness,  left  them  to  follow  in  his  footsteps,  and 
give  to  the  world  an  account  of  the  regions  and  tribes  which  they 
had  encountered.  The  hostility  that  reigned  for  many  years  be- 
tween Canadians  and  Iroquois  would,  one  might  suppose,  have 
discouraged  French  traders  from  entering  western  New  York 
State.  But  the  coureur  de  hois,  a  species  of  semi-outlawed  inter- 
loper, went  everywhere.  Perhaps  on  one  or  two  occasions  some  of 
them  had  strayed  as  far  as  Oneida  Lake  in  central  New  York,  ex- 
changed their  wares  for  beaver  skins,  and  returned  to  Quebec  with 
no  further  thought  of  the  country  they  had  traversed.  If  these 
pioneers  did  by  chance  make  reports  of  their  journeys  it  is  doubtful 
if  they  put  them  in  writing;  indeed,  the  keeping  of  an  intelligent 
diary  was  probably  beyond  their  literary  abilities. 

^  A  tribe  dwelling  on  the  northern  shore  of  Lake  Erie. 

2  J.  R.  XXI,  p.  203. 

^  J.  F.  Jameson.    Narratives  of  New  Netherland,  p.  148. 


Introduction  17 

The  Jesuit  Fathers  were,  as  we  have  said,  eminently  fitted  for 
the  work  of  exploration.  During  the  hundred  years  of  their  ex- 
istence they  had  penetrated  to  the  furthermost  corners  of  the 
earth,  where  they  had  established  missions,  and  in  addition  to  their 
evangelical  labors  had  brought  back  to  Europe  descriptions  of 
foreign  lands  and  graphic  accounts  of  the  peoples  among  whom 
they  had  dwelt.  Their  travels  took  them  to  the  Far  East,  where 
they  became  familiar  with  oriental  civilization,  and  played  for 
some  time  an  important  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  Japanese  Empire. 
In  Paraguay  they  established  a  protectorate  over  the  barbarous 
tribes  of  South  America,  bringing  up  their  converts  in  the  disci- 
pline of  the  Catholic  Church.  The  success  of  the  order  in  mission- 
ary work,  and  the  value  of  its  efforts  from  a  material  point  of  view, 
was  due  primarily  to  the  two  chief  assets  of  the  society,  namely,  a 
zeal  for  propaganda  that  not  infrequently  led  to  self-sacrifice,  and 
the  stress  laid  upon  education,  a  means  which  the  Jesuits  used  to 
remould  the  religious  and  political  thought  of  Europe  after  the 
outbreak  of  the  Protestant  Reformation.  There  was  also  some- 
thing in  the  spirit  and  discipline  of  the  order  that  especially  fitted 
its  members  for  this  form  of  labor,  for  in  order  to  carry  out  success- 
fully the  work  of  the  Church  among  savage  peoples,  it  is  necessary 
to  have  men  who  are  not  bound  by  the  ties  of  home  and  kindred, 
and  who  have  no  other  interest  than  to  obey  the  wishes  of  a  central 
authorit}'-  that  surveys  the  field  from  afar.  Thus  the  Jesuit 
Fathers  constituted,  in  contrast  to  the  majority  of  early  pioneers, 
an  educated  group,  capable  not  only  of  observing  but  of  recording 
geographical  facts. 

In  searching  through  the  Relations  for  information  pertinent 
to  our  subject,  one  must  remember  that  the  Fathers  were  mission- 
aries, not  explorers  or  cartographers,  and  that  their  journeys  were 
undertaken  for  religious  purposes  primarily,  save  in  a  few  isolated 
instances  when  the  French  Intendant  manifested  particular  in- 
terest in  some  mundane  problem  whose  solution  could  only  be 
attained  by  exploration.  One  can  scarcely  glance  through  the 
Jesuit  narratives  without  noticing  the  dominant  note  of  religious 
zeal  with  which  these  pages  abound.  Despite  the  sufferings  that 
dogged  their  footsteps,  we  find  the  missionaries  buoyed  up  by  the 
thought  of  the  message  of  salvation  they  were  bringing  to  the 
heathen.    The  desire  to  spread  the  Gospel,  to  convert  beings  who 


1 8  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

without  the  sacrament  of  baptism  would  be  cast  into  outer  dark- 
ness, burned  high  in  the  breasts  of  these  doughty  heralds.  Des- 
pairing sometimes  of  being  able  to  inculcate  into  these  primitive 
minds  the  nobler  aspects  of  Christianity  and  turn  the  savages  from 
their  barbarous  practices  to  the  more  humane  intercourse  of 
civilized  life,  the  Fathers  were  often  obliged  to  content  themselves 
with  the  mere  act  of  aspersion,  performed  under  dangerous  and 
difficult  circumstances.  The  baptism  of  children  was  occasionally 
resorted  to  despite  the  watchfulness  of  their  parents,  and  the 
dying  were  not  infrequently  persuaded  to  accept  the  Faith  as  a 
surety  against  everlasting  torment.  'When  we  see,'  writes  a 
missionary,  'these  savages,  well  formed,  strong,  of  good  mien, 
endowed  v/ith  natural  good  sense, — and  that  it  needs  only  a  drop 
of  water  to  make  them  children  of  God,  and  that  Jesus  Christ  has 
shed  all  his  blood  for  them,  we  feel  an  incredible  ardor  to  attract 
them  to  the  Church  and  to  God.'^  Furthermore,  there  was  great 
eagerness  among  the  missionaries  to  be  assigned  to  perilous  labor 
of  this  sort.  'The  greatest  strife  we  have  had  among  ourselves,' 
says  one,  'was  to  see  which  would  have  the  good  fortune  of  being 
chosen  to  go  to  the  Hurons.'^ 

The  Jesuit  Fathers,  besides  their  careful  religious  education, 
had  also  acquired  a  sufficient  amount  of  scientific  knowledge  to 
enable  them  to  make  astronomical  observations,  and  calculate 
their  positions  with  reasonable  accuracy.  Indeed,  as  one  of  the 
best  educated  orders  in  the  Catholic  Church  they  have  compiled 
an  impressive  number  of  works  on  a  great  variety  of  subjects, 
touching  almost  every  phase  of  learning.  We  are  not  surprised, 
therefore,  to  see  them  in  New  France  making  those  scientific  ob- 
servations that  are  invaluable  for  map-making.  By  the  aid  of  a 
cross-staff  latitude  could  be  ascertained,  at  least  roughly;  but 
computing  longitude  in  the  seventeenth  century  was  a  rather 
formidable  undertaking.^  There  were  some,  however,  who  felt 
qualified  to  make  the  attempt.  Father  Le  Jeune  in  discussing  the 
subject  made  the  following  interesting  statement  in  a  letter  sent  to 
France.  'I  calculated  the  other  day  how  much  earlier  the  sun 
rises  on  your  horizon  than  it  does  on  ours,  and  I  found  that  you 

*  Le  Jeune's  Relation,  1635.   J.  R.  VIII,  p.  175. 
'^Ibid.  p.  171. 

^  Not  until  the  perfection  of  the  chronometer  in  the  eighteenth  century  was 
it  possible  to  compute  longitude  correctly. 


Introduction  19 

have  daylight  a  Kttle  over  six  hours  earher  than  we  do.'  Then  he 
proceeds  to  show  how  he  has  arrived  at  this  figure  by  taking  the 
distance  from  Dieppe,  France,  to  Quebec  at  one  thousand  leagues 
(as  computed  by  sailors),  and,  allowing  seventeen  and  one-half 
leagues  to  a  degree  of  great  circle  arc,  he  shows  the  distance  be- 
tween the  two  points  to  be  57°  12'.  Then  taking  the  latitude  of 
Quebec  as  46%°,  and  that  of  Dieppe  as  49%°,  he  establishes  the 
distance  between  the  meridians  of  these  places  as  91°  38',  or,  since 
there  are  fifteen  degrees  of  arc  to  one  hour  of  time,  six  hours  and 
six  minutes.^  But,  as  he  says,  if  one  were  to  assume  the  length  of  a 
degree  to  bs  twenty-five  leagues,  as  did  the  geographers,  the  result 
would  be  four  hours  and  six  minutes.^  This  we  known  to  be  more 
nearly  correct.  Le  Jeune  later  saw  an  ecUpse  of  the  moon  which 
confirmed  his  previous  calculation,  namelj'-  that  in  France  it  is 
daylight  six  hours  sooner  than  in  Quebec.  His  method  is  simple. 
He  compared  the  time  when  the  eclipse  took  place  at  Quebec  with 
the  hour  at  which  the  almanac  announced  that  it  would  begin  in 
France.^  The  difference  in  time  could  then  be  reduced  to  degrees 
and  minutes.  Another  method  of  ascertaining  longitude  was  by 
observing  the  variations  of  the  magnetic  needle.  Father  Bressani 
points  out  the  difiiculties  of  this  system  by  recording  figures  show- 
ing that  the  fluctuations  are  not  uniform.  In  crossing  from  France 
to  Canada  he  noticed  that  the  needle  changed  from  two  or  three 
degrees  east  to  twenty-two  west  off  the  banks  of  Newfoundland, 
then  decreased  to  sixteen  at  Quebec,  and  to  twelve  on  the  eastern 
shores  of  Lake  Huron  .^  Le  Jeune  probably  summed  up  the 
difficulties  of  the  situation  that  confronted,  not  only  Jesuit  ama- 
teurs, but  also  trained  geographers,  when  he  said :  'As  for  the  longi- 
tude, it  has  been,  as  yet,  impossible  to  establish  it  according  to  the 
rules  of  geography,  as  they  have  not  been  applied  similarly  in 
France,  and  here,  to  the  exact  observation  of  eclipses.'^  Le  Jeune's 
results  are  by  no  means  accurate.  The  longitude  of  Dieppe  is 
approximately  1°  east,  and  that  of  Quebec,  71°  15'  west,  making  a 
difference  of  72°  15'  arc,  or  about  four  hours  and  fifty  minutes  of 
time.    Taking  into  account  the  enormous  difficulties  experienced 

1  Relation,  1632.  J.  R.  V,  p.  65. 
^Ibid.  p.  67. 

2  Le  Jeune's  Relation,  1633.   J.  R.  V,  p.  99. 

^  Bressani's  Relation,  1653.   /.  R.  XXXIX,  pp.  39  to  41. 
^  Le  Jeune's  Relation,  1639.   J.  R.  XVI,  p.  225. 


20  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

even  by  astronomers  in  the  seventeenth  century,  the  results  of 
Jesuits  observations,  distorted  as  they  appear  to  us,  are  not  dis- 
creditable. Their  calculations  of  latitude,  often  made  in  the  field 
under  severe  handicaps,  were  on  the  whole  fairly  accurate,  and 
needed  only  a  little  refinement  to  make  them  exact. 

We  have  discussed  the  religious  zeal  that  inspired  the  Fathers, 
and  now  we  shall  see  with  what  reception  they  met  when  engaged 
in  their  missionary  labors.  That  the  Indians  were  suspicious  of 
these  black-robed  priests,  whom  they  frequently  regarded  as 
malevolent  agents,  and  were  even  openly  hostile  to  them,  is  quite 
evident,  especially  during  the  early  years  of  their  work.  Father 
Brebeuf,  the  great  apostle  of  the  Hurons,  gives  a  glowing  account 
of  his  journey  to  Huronia^  and  the  difficulties  encountered  on  the 
Ottav/a  River,  difficulties  that  were  aggravated  by  the  attitude  of 
the  savages.  The  Father  and  his  companions  were  continually 
subjected  to  petty  annoyances.  'Father  Davost,  among  others,' 
writes  Brebeuf,  'was  very  badly  treated.  They  [the  Indians]  stole 
from  him  much  of  his  little  outfit.  They  compelled  him  to  throw 
away  a  little  steel  mill,  and  almost  all  our  books,  some  linen,  and  a 
good  part  of  the  paper  that  we  are  taking,  and  of  which  we  have 
great  need.'^  When  he  made  a  journey  to  the  Neutral  Nation 
several  years  later.  Father  Brebeuf  underwent  even  more  distress- 
ing experiences  at  the  hands  of  this  tribe.  On  this  particular  oc- 
casion he  was  regarded  as  the  harbinger  of  misfortune — for  the 
Neutrals  feared  the  advent  of  a  plague  that  had  decimated  the 
Hurons — and  his  religious  emblems  and  scientific  instruments  were 
viewed  with  deep  suspicion.  The  savages  frequently  regarded  the 
Fathers  with  contempt  because  of  their  inability  to  undergo  hard- 
ships that  were  a  matter  of  indifference  to  an  Indian.  Father  Le 
Jeune,  who  passed  a  winter  with  a  tribe  of  Montagnais,  says :  'All 
the  savages  made  sport  of  me  because  I  was  not  a  good  pack  horse, 
being  satisfied  to  carry  my  cloak,  which  was  heavy  enough;  a  small 
bag  in  which  I  kept  my  little  necessaries ;  and  their  sneers,  which 
were  not  as  heavy  as  my  body;  and  this  was  my  load.'^  The  hard- 
ships natural  to  frontier  life  were  enhanced  by  a  pronounced  distrust 
on  the  part  of  the  savages  for  the  simplest  acts  performed  by  the 
Jesuit  missionaries.    'If  we  would  kneel  down,  or  say  our  Office  by 

^  Huronia  was  situated  on  the  southern  shore  of  Georgian  Bay. 
^  Le  Jeune's  Relation,  1635.   J.  R.  VIII,  p.  81. 
^  Le  Jeune's  Relation,  1634.   J.  R.  VII,  p.  115. 


Introduction  21 

the  light  of  five  or  six  coals/  says  a  Father,  'these  acts  were  those 
of  black  magic  by  which  we  were  causing  them  all  to  die.  If  we 
asked  them  the  name  of  someone  in  order  to  write  it  in  the  regis- 
ter of  our  baptized  ones,  and  not  forget  it,  it  was  (they  said)  that 
we  might  pierce  him  secretly,  and  afterwards,  tearing  out  this 
written  name,  cause  the  death,  by  this  same  act  of  him  or  her  who 
bore  that  name;  in  everything  we  are  criminals.'^  Needless  to 
say  the  recording  of  geographical  information  under  such  condi- 
tions was  fraught  with  grave  difficulties;  the  wonder  is  that  the 
Jesuit  reports  contain  as  much  as  they  do. 

Although  the  natives  placed  obstacles  in  the  path  of  the  mis- 
sionaries, nevertheless  they  were  in  many  ways  of  considerable 
assistance  to  them.  Indians,  according  to  Father  Bressani,  were 
blessed  with  an  exceptionally  long  vision,  tenacious  memory,  and  a 
remarkable  facility  for  remembering  places  and  describing  them  to 
others.  Rarely  would  they  go  astray  on  their  long  journeys.  Ex- 
periments were  tried  for  the  purpose  of  confusing  their  sense  of 
location  and  direction,  but  they  guided  themselves  as  securely  by 
their  faculties  as  by  a  compass,^  The  great  difficulties  that  were 
at  first  experienced  in  handling  the  Indians  were  due  largely  to  the 
fact  that  the  missionaries  were  by  their  very  calling  at  cross  pur- 
poses with  the  influential  medicine  man.  Yet  by  tact  and  patience 
confidence  was  gained,  and  the  way  smoothed  for  obtaining  in- 
formation. Father  Ragueneau,  an  experienced  hand  in  the  busi- 
ness, advised  diplomacy  and  a  broad  tolerance — at  least  in  the  first 
stages  of  intercourse — for  ladian  ideas  and  customs.  'It  is  easy,' 
he  says,  'to  call  irreligion  what  is  merely  stupidity,  and  to  take  for 
diabolical  working  something  that  is  nothing  more  than  human.'* 
More  can  be  accomplished,  he  pointed  out,  by  gentler  methods, 
such  as  showing  the  savages  the  error  of  their  ways,  and  letting 
them  gradually  come  to  regard  their  former  opinions  rather  as 
follies  than  as  crimes. 

One  thing,  however,  must  be  remembered  in  dealing  with  in- 
formation derived  from  the  Indians,  and  that  is  the  difficulty  of 
translating  certain  words  and  terms  from  an  Indian  dialect  into  a 
European  language.     This  difficulty  can  be  observed  when  the 

^Lalemant's  Relation,  1640.   /.  R.  XIX,  p.  128. 

2  Bressani' s  Relation,  1653.   J.  R.  XXXVIII,  pp.  259-261. 

^Ragueneau's  Relation,  1647-8.    /.  R.  XXXIII,  p.  145. 


22  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

French  were  inquiring  about  a  passage  to  the  western  sea,  as  the 
Indians  could  not  distinguish  between  a  lake  of  large  dimensions 
and  an  ocean.  Could  the  words  'sea'  or  'ocean'  be  properly  trans- 
lated into  their  tongue?  They  could  be  (and  in  fact  seem  to  have 
been)  explained  to  them  by  the  term,  'great  water';  but  did  this 
term  convey  to  an  Indian  the  same  conception  of  a  sea  that  existed 
in  the  mind  of  a  European?  Probably  not.  When  the  Frenchman 
inquired  the  whereabouts  of  a  western  sea  or  great  water  the  Indian 
probably  concluded  that  the  Mississippi  would  answer  the  purpose, 
and  replied  accordingly.  The  learning  of  Indian  languages  was  one 
of  the  earliest  and  greatest  difficulties  the  Fathers  had  to  encounter. 
For  their  purpose,  that  is  for  the  teaching  of  religion,  the  various 
native  dialects  were  particularly  unsuited,  because  of  the  meager- 
ness  of  their  vocabularies.  The  Indians  were  incapable  of  grasping 
the  abstract.  While  they  could  express  themselves  well  enough 
for  the  business  of  everday  life,  they  suffered  from  a  marked  paucity 
of  words  for  such  abstractions  as  piety,  devotion,  virtue  and  the 
terms  used  to  describe  the  future  life ;  they  also  lacked  words  for 
philosophy,  mathematics,  government,  justice  and  reward,  the 
names  of  arts,  and  even  of  many  flowers,  trees  and  animals. 
Generic  terms  such  as  beast,  animal,  substance,  were  likewise  con- 
spicuous by  their  absence.^  Nevertheless  the  Fathers  set  them- 
selves to  master  these  linguistic  difficulties,  and  devoted  much  of 
their  time  to  study.  They  lacked  interpreters  to  begin  with,  and 
when  they  tried  to  learn  directly  from  the  Indians  they  were  met 
with  rebuffs  rather  than  with  encouragement.  Father  Le  Jeune, 
when  he  wintered  with  the  Montagnais  for  this  very  purpose,  had 
a  number  of  amusing  experiences.  'One  day,'  he  recalls,  'when  my 
host  had  a  feast  in  his  turn,  the  guests  made  me  a  sign  that  I  should 
make  them  a  speech  in  their  language,  as  they  wanted  to  laugh;  for 
I  pronounce  the  Savage  as  a  German  pronounces  French.  Wishing 
to  please  fchem,  I  began  to  talk,  and  they  burst  out  laughing,  well 
pleased  to  make  sport  of  me,  while  I  was  very  glad  to  learn  to 
talk. '2  The  Indians  frequently  pushed  their  sense  of  humor  a 
little  further  and  provided  the  Father  with  a  rich  vocabulary  of 
obscene  words  with  which  to  translate  his  passages  from  the 

'  Le  Jeune's  Relation,  1634.    /.  R.  VII,  p.  21.    Letter  of  Father  Biard, 
Jan.  31,  1612.   J.  i2.  II,  p.  II.    Biard's  Relation,  161 6.   J.  R.  Ill,  p.  195. 
^  Le  Jeune's  Relation,  1634.   J.  R.  VII,  p.  93. 


Introduction  23 

Scriptures.  On  the  other  hand  the  savages  in  attempting  to  learn 
French  showed  more  aptitude  for  the  profanity  gathered  from  the 
sailors  than  in  mastering  the  edifying  conversation  of  the  Fathers.^ 
But  in  course  of  time  progress  was  made.  Lexicons  and  grammars, 
more  or  less  faulty,  no  doubt,  were  compiled;  and  prospective 
missionaries  were  required  to  make  a  study  of  some  language  be- 
fore taking  up  work  in  the  field.  We  can  probably  assume  in  deal- 
ing with  concrete  objects  such  as  lakes,  rivers,  mountains  and 
distances  that  the  Jesuits  experienced  less  trouble  than  with  theu- 
religious  discourse.  For  this  reason  knowledge  based  on  descrip- 
tions given  by  the  Indians  may  be  regarded  as  fairly  accurate,  but 
due  allowance  must  be  made  for  the  fact  that  the  savages  computed 
distances  by  days'  journeys,  instead  of  by  a  system  of  hnear 
measurement. 

When  plunging  into  the  unknown  wilderness  the  Fathers  often 
carried  astronomical  instruments  with  them.  What  these  instru- 
ments were  we  have  no  means  of  knowing,  as  the  missionaries  make 
no  mention  of  them,  save  in  general  terms.  There  are  occasional 
references  to  a  compass,  the  most  valuable  piece  of  apparatus  for 
exploration;  and  we  can  infer  from  the  records  of  observations  of 
latitude  that  a  cross-staff  must  have  been  used.  Unfortunately 
the  Jesuits  do  not  dwell  on  their  scientific  equipment.  We  know 
that  Marquette  and  Joliet  on  their  voyage  to  the  Mississippi  were 
properly  provided  for,  as  Marquette  frequently  refers  to  latitude 
in  his  narrative,  and  his  map  shows  that  observations  were  care- 
fully taken.  From  this  we  assume  that  they  must  have  carried 
with  them  a  cross-staff  for  taking  the  altitude  of  the  sun.  A  state- 
ment that  they  proceeded  'with  no  other  guide  than  their  com- 
passes,'^ shows  that  this  instrument  also  formed  part  of  their 
equipment.  But  here  our  knowledge  stops;  indeed  it  is  probable 
that  these  two  instruments  formed  their  entire  scientific  out- 
fit. Fathers  Dablon  and  Druillettes  on  their  journey  towards 
Hudson  Bay  performed  the  unusual  feat  of  recording  the  longitude 
as  well  as  the  latitude  of  various  places.  Another  expedition  which 
we  know  was  properly  supplied  with  instruments  was  that  of 
Fathers  Brebeuf  and  Chaumonot  to  the  Neutral  Nation,  for  the 

^  Letter  of  Father  Biard,  Jan.  31,  1612.    J.  R.  II,  p.  9. 

^Relation  of  the  Discovery  of  Many  Countries  etc.  J.  R.  LVIII,  p.  101. 
Mention  of  a  compass  is  also  made  in  Bressani's  Relation,  1653.  J.  R.  XXX- 
VIII,  p.  261,  and  Le  Jeune's  Relation,  1634.    J.  R.  VII,  p.  95. 


2  4  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

missionaries  mention  the  superstitious  dread  which  these  myster- 
ious things  inspired  among  the  Indians.  Very  few  explorers,  be- 
sides the  Jesuits,  who  visited  New  France  during  the  period  under 
discussion,  carried  instruments  with  them  on  their  voyages;  or,  as 
I  assume  from  their  general  character,  had  sufficient  knowledge 
to  use  them.  The  Sulpitians,  DoUier  and  Gallinee,  who  explored 
the  northern  shore  of  Lake  Erie  in  1669-70,  had  with  them  the 
necessary  instruments  for  scientific  observations,  and  have  left  us, 
as  the  fruit  of  their  labors,  an  excellent  map  to  confirm  their  im- 
pressions.^ Besides  the  work  of  these  two  missionaries,  we  can 
find  no  trace  in  any  narrative  of  an  expedition  taking  place  between 
the  explorations  of  Champlain  and  those  of  La  Salle  (barring,  of 
course,  those  of  the  Jesuits),  where  the  explorers  troubled  them- 
selves about  such  abstruse  questions  as  latitude  and  longitude. 
Here  again  we  have  proof  of  the  value  of  Jesuit  records.  Not  only 
were  the  Jesuits  better  fitted  by  education  to  compile  a  lucid  ac- 
count of  their  voyages  and  a  clear  description  of  the  country  they 
traversed,  but  they  alone  were  able  to  estimate  the  position  of  the 
various  important  landmarks  along  the  route. 

Results  of  their  surveys  were  not  infrequently  illustrated  on 
maps  drawn  by  the  Fathers,  either  on  the  spot  or  after  their  return 
home;  and  these  charts  accompanied  their  reports  to  the  Superior 
at  Quebec.  Maps  of  Jesuit  authorship  may  be  divided  into  two 
classes:  those  that  are  extant  to-day;  and  those  that  are  referred  to 
by  contemporary  writers,  buy  have  never  come  to  light.  Charts  of 
the  first  group  will  be  discussed  later  as  we  have  occasion  to  refer 
to  their  contents,  while  those  of  the  second  need  a  little  attention 
here. 

As  early  as  1626,  before  the  Jesuits  had  thoroughly  organized 
their  missionary  work,  Father  Charles  Lalemant  wrote  from 
Canada  to  his  brother  Jerome  saying  that  he  was  sending  to  the 
Father  Assistant  a  map  of  that  country .^  This  chart  repre- 
sented probably  the  outlines  of  the  St.  Lawrence  River  and  Nova 
Scotia  as  these  places  were  known  to  the  Jesuits  at  this  time. 
Possibly  it  contained  sketches  of  Lake  Ontario  and  Huronia  since 
Champlain  had  explored  these  districts  and  embodied  their  features 

1  The  Journal  of  DoUier  and  Galinee  in  L.  P.  Kellogg.    Early  Narratives  of 
the  Northwest,   pp.  177  and  178. 

2  Letter  of  August  i,  1626.   /.  R.  IV.  p.  227. 


Introduction  25 

on  his  earlier  maps.  But  the  contents  of  the  chart  is  of  no  great 
importance  for  our  purpose;  the  thing  we  wish  to  emphasize  is 
chat  here  we  have  a  geographical  sketch  sent  by  a  Jesuit  mission- 
ary to  France  where  it  may  well  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a 
cartographer. 

An  interesting  example  of  the  possible,  even  probable,  connec- 
tion between  a  Jesuit  manuscript  map,  now  lost  to  us,  and  a  chart 
pubhshed  by  a  distinguished  geographer  may  be  found  by  attempt- 
ing to  trace  the  sources  from  which  Nicolas  Sanson  derived  the 
names  of  the  Indian  tribes  he  placed  on  his  map,  Le  Canada,  ou 
Nouvelle  France,  published  in  1656.^  Father  Vimont  in  1640  gave 
an  account  of  the  locations  of  numerous  Indian  nations.  Dividing 
his  tribes  under  two  headings,  one  consisting  of  those  located  north 
of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  other  those  to  the  south,  Vimont 
credits  the  information  regarding  the  nations  of  the  first  category 
to  a  list  given  him  by  Jean  Nicolet,  who  had  himself,  as  we  shall  see 
later,  visited  these  Indians;  while  those  to  the  south  of  the  river  he 
has  taken  from  a  sketch  of  the  Huron  country  given  him  by  Father 
Ragueneau.^  This  sketch  is  the  Jesuit  map  we  referred  to  above. 
By  comparing  the  names  derived  from  these  two  sources  with 
those  on  Sanson's  map  we  find  that  Sanson  has  placed  north  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  a  large  number  of  tribes  whose  names  are  entirely 
different  from  the  ones  mentioned  in  Vimont's  first  group,  namely 
those  given  him  by  Nicolet;  while  of  those  which  Nicolet  reported 
there  are  but  a  few  on  Sanson's  chart,  and  even  these  are  confined 
to  nations  situated  on  the  lower  St.  Lawrence,  whose  location  had 
been  known  for  some  time.  After  making  all  due  allowance  for 
the  variants  of  Indian  nomenclature  (and  they  are  extremely 
numerous  in  some  cases)  it  is  impossible  to  reconcile  the  discrepan- 
cies between  Nicolet's  list  and  Sanson's  map  without  assuming  the 
existence  of  another  source.  Passing  then  to  the  nations  south  of 
the  St.  Lawrence  we  find  the  reverse  to  be  the  case.  Here  we  can 
see  on  the  chart  many  tribes  mentioned  in  the  list  which  Vimont 
obtained  from  Ragueneau's  map.  How  are  we  to  judge  the  pos- 
sible connection  between  Sanson's  map  and  that  of  Ragueneau? 

1  This  map  is  listed  in  Harrisse.   Ihid.  ^27,  p.  228. 

2  Vimont's  Relation,  1640.  /.  R.  XVIII.  Chap.  X  gives  a  list  of  tribes. 
Reference  to  Nicolet,  p.  233;  to  Ragueneau's  map,  p.  235.  This  portion  of 
Vimont's  Relation  is  said  to  have  been  written  by  Le  Jeune. 


26  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

Did  Sanson  see  Vimont's  Relation?  If  so  why  did  he  not  include 
on  his  chart  the  tribes  north  of  the  St.  Lawrence  which  Vimont  men- 
tions? Or  did  Sanson  fail  to  see  Vimont's  report,  and  get  hold  of  Rag- 
ueneau's  sketch  instead?  There  are  good  reasons  to  suppose  that 
the  latter  was  the  case.  In  the  first  place  the  names  south  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  on  Sanson's  production  are,  as  we  have  said,  largely 
the  same  as  those  which  Vimont  tells  us  he  derived  from  Raguen- 
eau.  In  addition  to  this  evidence  we  can  submit  another  argu- 
ment. Sanson  depicts  geographical  features  in  the  Huron  district 
that  could  hardly  have  been  transmitted  to  the  designer  by  a  mere 
written  or  verbal  statement.  The  delineation  of  Lakes  Ontario, 
Erie  and  Huron,  both  in  their  own  contours  and  in  their  relations 
to  one  another  conform  so  accurately  to  the  work  of  modern  sur- 
veyors that  it  must  have  been  done  by  someone  on  the  spot  with 
well  informed  guides  constantly  at  his  elbow.  Sanson  first  pub- 
lished this  design  of  the  lakes  in  1650,  on  his  chart,  Amerique 
Septentrionale;  his  map  of  1656,  now  under  discussion,  being  a 
replica  of  the  northeastern  section  of  that  sketch,  enriched  hj 
more  minute  details.  So  far  as  we  know  Lake  Erie,  the  western 
coast  of  Lake  Huron,  and  Lake  Ontario  (save  the  eastern  portion 
traversed  by  Champlain)  were  unexplored  regions  when  Sanson 
depicted  them  with  such  amazing  accuracy.  Ragueneau's  Re- 
lation of  1647  which  deals  with  these  lakes  gives  no  information 
that  would  enable  a  designer  to  draw  such  an  outline.  That  the 
sketch  was  taken  from  a  source  believed  to  be  accurate  is  extremely 
probable,  for  it  was  reproduced  on  maps  for  many  years  to  come, 
notably  on  the  chart  accompanying  the  Jesuit  Creuxius'  (Du  Creux) 
Historia  Canadensis  (1660).  It  is  impossible  to  say  where  Sanson 
obtained  the  names  of  the  tribes  which  he  has  placed  on  his  chart, 
north  of  the  St.  Lawrence  River.  He  did  not  get  them  from 
Vimont,  nor  could  they  have  appeared  on  Ragueneau's  map,  for  a 
few  years  later  Ragueneau  gave  a  description  of  the  Huron 
country  including  a  list  of  tribes  found  on  the  northern  and  eastern 
shores  of  Lake  Huron, '^  and  the  names  mentioned  differ  radically 
from  those  appearing  on  Sanson's  design. 

We  also  find  among  the  Jesuit  papers  mention  of  another 
contemporaneous  map  of  the  Huron  country  that  is  no  longer  in 

1  Relation,  1647-8.    J.  R.  XXXIII,  p.  151. 


Introduction  27 

existence.  Father  Br^beuf  on  returning  from  his  journey  to  the 
Neutrals  in  164 1  describes  these  tribes  as  situated  for  the  most  part 
west  of  the  Niagara  River,  'and  not  beyond  it,  as  a  certain  chart 
indicates.'^  What  was  this  map?  Was  it  Ragueneau's?  We  feel 
confident  that  it  was  not,  for  Brebeuf  has  stated  here  that  the 
Neutral  tribes  were  located  as  a  general  thing  to  the  west  and  not 
to  the  east  of  the  Niagara  River,  while  the  map,  he  says,  indicates 
the  reverse.  If  we  suppose  that  Sanson  used  Ragueneau's  map 
and  that  Ragueneau's  map  was  the  one  used  by  Brebeuf  we  would, 
of  course,  expect  Sanson  to  have  placed  the  Neutral  tribe  east  of 
the  Niagara  River.  But  a  glance  at  his  design  shows  that  he  has 
placed  them  to  the  west,  in  accordance  with  Brebeuf's  narrative. 
We  therefore  conclude  that  the  map  mentioned  by  Brebeuf  was  a 
different  one  from  that  of  Ragueneau. 

The  fourth  map  coming  under  our  notice  is  one  on  which 
Father  Bressani  intended  to  stress  the  Huron  region.  'The  whole 
would  have  been  made  clearer,'  he  writes,  in  reference  to  Canada 
in  general  and  Huronia  is  particular,  'with  the  map  which  I  was 
hoping  to  add  here,  but  it  is  not  ready.  Those  who  shall  desire 
it  can  have  it  a  little  while  later,  in  separate  form,  with  pictures 
of  the  barbarians  and  their  cruelties.'^  Unfortunately  this  map, 
the  product  of  one  well  versed  in  geography  is  lost  to  us.  As 
Bressani  wrote  his  account  in  1653  it  is  within  the  bounds  of 
possibility  that  his  sketch  too  may  have  reached  Sanson  in  time 
for  him  to  incorporate  some  of  its  features  in  his  map  of  1656. 

Another  chart  lost  to  posterity — though  I  hardly  think  it  one 
whose  loss  is  of  any  great  consequence,  since  the  country  it  de- 
picted was  so  well  mapped  out  a  few  years  later — is  the  one  which 
Father  Isaac  Jogues,  who  discovered  Lake  George  in  1642,  made 
of  the  Iroquois  country  when  he  undertook  a  journey  to  the 
Mohawks  accompanied  by  Jean  Bourdon,  the  engineer.^  This 
map  may  have  embodied  marks  of  technical  skill  in  its  construc- 
tion, thanks  to  Bourdon;  but  the  travellers  did  not  penetrate  far 
enough  to  get  first-hand  knowledge  of  the  Iroquois  territory,  and 
must  have  relied  largely  on  hearsay,  if  they  attempted  to  delineate 
the  upper  Mohawk  Valle3^    Father  Jogues  and  Bourdon  on  this 

1  Relation,  1640-1.    J.  R.,  XXI,  p.  191. 

^Bressani's  Relation,  1653.    /.  R.  XL,  p.  61. 

3  Letter  of  Jogues  to  Castillon,  Sept.  12,  1646.   J.  R.  XXVIII,  p.  137. 


2  8  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

expedition  ascended  the  Richelieu  River  and  passed  through  Lake 
Champlain  and  Lake  George.  Perhaps  their  map  formed  the 
basis  of  the  outhne  of  these  lakes  as  it  appears  on  Sanson's  Canada 
1656,  for  prior  to  this  date  the  dimensions  and  location  of  Lake 
Champlain  are  hopelessly  at  fault,  while  Lake  George  does  not 
appear  at  all. 

In  dealing  with  the  little  known  region  between  the  St.  Lawrence 
and  Hudson  Bay,  we  find  mention  of  a  map  accompanying  the 
minute  description  of  the  various  routes  between  these  two  points, 
sent  in  to  headquarters  by  Father  Druillettes,  the  missionary  who 
himself  penetrated  some  distance  into  that  territory.^  Creuxius, 
in  constructing  the  map  in  his  Historia  Canadensis,  evidently  had 
Druillettes'  sketch  before  him,  as  he  has  given  a  faithful  portrayal 
of  the  routes  in  question,  a  feat  attempted  by  no  other  cartographer. 
The  details  describing  the  paths  to  the  North  Sea,  as  written  down 
by  Druillettes  in  his  narrative,  are  at  times  confusing,  and  it  is 
doubtful  if  Creuxius  could  have  done  so  well  with  his  chart  had  he 
not  been  assisted  by  a  sketch  as  well  as  by  written  directions.  It 
may  be  urged,  of  course,  that  it  was  no  more  difficult  for  Creuxius 
to  construct  a  map  than  for  Father  Druillettes,  since  the  latter  did 
not  himself  explore  the  routes  in  person,  but  obtained  his  know- 
ledge— as  he  admits — from  Indians  and  Frenchmen.  Druillettes 
had,  however,  the  advantage  of  being  able  to  draw  his  sketch  under 
the  supervision  of  his  informers,  while  Creuxius  was  obliged  to 
construct  his  outhnes  from  written  material. 

The  Jesuit  Relations  that  form  the  backbone  of  this  thesis, 
offer  an  opportunity  for  research  on  many  subjects.  They  con- 
sist principally  of  the  Relations  proper,  that  is  reports  made  by 
the  Canadian  provincial  each  year  to  his  superior  in  France, 
embodying  news  of  rehgious  activities  and  such  other  information 
as  might  be  deemed  interesting.  The  provincial,  in  compiling  his 
annual  report,  would  occasionally  incorporate,  verbatim,  letters  or 
diaries  from  his  missionaires  and  field  agents  that  give  a  peculiar 
personal  touch  to  the  narrative;  but  more  often  he  would  include 
the  gist  of  their  communications  in  a  manner  that  gave  continuity 
to  the  story.  Besides  these  annals  we  have  letters,  diaries  and 
journals  written,  sometimes  by  the  superior,  often  by  his  subordin- 

1  Relation,  1657-8.   J.  R.  XLIV,  pp.  237  to  239. 


Introduction  29 

ates.  These  documents,  taken  altogether,  are  an  important  source 
of  Canadian  history  during  the  seventeenth  century.  In  addition 
to  the  purely  ecclesiastical  material,  we  find  numerous  by-products 
in  the  fields  of  geography,  ethnology,  mineralogy  and  history,  in 
fact  of  everything  dealing  with  the  country  and  especially  with 
Indian  life.  As  may  be  surmised  such  records,  containing  as  they 
do  reports  from  an  unknown  savage  land  and  tales  of  rugged  ad- 
venture and  inspiring  heroism,  were  not  suffered  to  remain  in 
clerical  archives  alone.  The  house  of  Cramoisy  obtained  permis- 
sion to  publish  the  Relations,  and  an  eager  public  devoured  them 
as  they  came  each  year  fresh  from  the  press.  Thus  the  world  be- 
came acquainted  with  Canada.  Those  who  desired  information 
about  its  country  or  inhabitants  found  it  in  these  papers.  The 
clergy,  with  an  eye  to  spiritual  progress,  kept  track  of  conversions 
and  missionary  activities;  government  officials  and  merchants 
scanned  the  reports  for  news  regarding  unexplored  regions  and  the 
possibilities  of  the  fur  trade;  geographers  presumably  looked  for 
information  that  would  aid  them  in  reconstructing  their  maps;  and 
adventurous  young  men  caught  inspiration  from  stories  of  heroic 
suffering. 

In  analyzing  the  Jesuit  Relations  their  geographical  state- 
ments will  be  treated  regionally,  with  as  much  regard  for  chrono- 
logical sequence  as  circumstances  permit.  This  method  involves  a 
certain  amount  of  unavoidable  overlapping,  as  the  division  by 
districts  is  somewhat  arbitrary,  while  the  geographical  information 
is  scattered  here  and  there  throughout  the  Relations.  Briefly 
stated  the  method  to  be  followed  in  attacking  our  problem  is  this. 
In  treating  a  specific  region  it  will  be  necessary  to  investigate  any 
explorations  that  took  place  prior  to  the  explorations  or  reports  of 
the  Jesuit  Fathers;  to  ascertain  what  records,  if  any,  were  made 
of  these  expeditions,  and  whether  or  not  they  were  accessible  to 
seventeenth  century  cartographers;  to  examine  carefully  maps  and 
charts  made  before  the  Jesuit  records  appear,  and  see  how  far 
geographical  knowledge  had  progressed.  We  can  in  most  cases,  it 
is  true,  begin  with  Champlain's  map  of  1632,  but  in  dealing  with 
central  New  York  State  reference  to  Dutch  maps  will  be  found 
necessary.  Thus  by  clearing  the  ground,  so  to  speak,  for  the 
Jesuit  explorers  and  their  records,  we  can  assume,  in  so  far  as  it 
is  possible  to  assume  an  historical  conclusion,  that  the  featm-es 


30  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

shown  on  later  maps  were  furnished  by  the  Jesuits.  Nevertheless 
actual  proof  is  not  always  possible.  We  can  as  a  rule  merely  point 
out  that  certain  features  given  on  maps  and  charts  appear  after 
a  specific  Relation,  and,  if  they  can  be  found  in  no  other  record,  it 
establishes  the  probability  that  the  Relation  in  question  is  the 
source  of  the  information.  We  shall  be  obliged,  occasionally.  Id 
examining  pre- Jesuit  explorations  to  wander  from  the  main  theme 
of  the  story;  but  these  digressions  are  necessary,  and  help  form  the 
foundation  on  which  the  thesis  is  erected. 


CHAPTER  II 

Contributions  of  the   Jesuits  to  the  Knowledge  of  the 
Eastern  Great  Lakes 

section  I 
Geographical  Knowledge  of  New  France  at  the  Coming  of  the  Jesuits 

N  BEGINNING  the  examination  of  the  Jesuit  narratives  we 
are  fortunate  in  having  as  a  basis  of  our  work  Champlain's  map 
of  1632,  which  summarizes  the  geographical  knowledge  of  New 
France  at  the  time  when  the  missionaries  appear  on  the  scene.  We 
shall,  therefore,  discuss  the  map;  and  as  much  valuable  geographi- 
cal knowledge  is  hidden  in  Champlain's  narratives  of  his  journeys 
they  will  also  be  taken  into  consideration.  Champlain  ascended 
the  Richelieu  River  to  the  lake  that  now  bears  his  name  in  1609. 
Moving  southward  across  its  waters  he  reached  its  southernmost 
extremity  where  a  short  water-route  separates  it  from  Lake  George. 
On  the  map  Lake  Champlain  is  unfortunately  placed  too  near  the 
seacoast,  and  an  efforti  is  made  to  indicate  Lake  George  by  a  small 
body  of  water  on  its  western  flaok,  bearing  the  inscription:  'Petit 
Lac,  by  way  of  which  they  go  to  the  Yroquois,  after  passing  over 
that  of  Champlain.'^  It  appears  that  Champlain  knew  of  the 
existence  of  this  lake,  though  he  had  never  seen  it  even  from  a 
distance,  for  in  his  narrative  he  says:  'I  saw,  on  the  south,  other 
mountains,  no  less  high  than  the  fii^st,  but  without  any  snow.^ 
The  savages  told  me  that  these  mountains  were  thickly  settled, 
and  that  it  was  there  we  were  to  find  their  enemies;  but  that  it  was. 
necessary  to  pass  a  fall'  in  order  to  go  there  (which  I  afterwards 
saw),  when  we  should  enter  another  lake,  nine  or  ten  leagues 
long'*  Obviously  this  is  Lake  George,  situated  above  the  falls  at 
Ticonderoga,  and  draining  into  Lake  Champlain.     These  facts 

^  Champlain's  map  bears  numbers  that  refer  to  descriptions.  For  key  to 
these  descriptions  see  E.  F.  Slafter.  Voyages  oj  Samuel  de  Champlain.  Vol.  I. 
This  quotation  is  #66  on  p.  300. 

2  Adirondacks. 

'  The  route  taken  by  war  parties  between  Canada  and  the  Mohawk  and 
Hudson  Valleys  was  by  way  of  Lake  Champlain,  through  the  falls  at  Ti- 
conderoga, up  Lake  George  to  Ballston  where  the  trail  divided,  one  branch 
striking  the  Mohawk  at  Schenectady,  another  passing  through  Glenville  to 
Adriuche  (modern  Kline),  a  third  through  Gal  way  and  down  Juchtanunda 
Creek.    W.  Max  Reid.    The  Mohawk  Valley,  p.  100. 

*  W.  L.  Grant.    Voyages  oj  Samuel  de  Champlain.   p.  162. 

31 


32  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jeusits 

should  be  borne  in  mind  since  they  form,  meager  as  they  are,  the 
sum  total  of  the  geographical  knowledge  of  this  region  until  Father 
Isaac  Jogues  traversed  the  route  and  discovered  Lake  George  in 
1642. 

A  few  years  later,  namely  in  161 5,  Champlain  had  occasion  to 
visit  Lake  Huron.  From  Montreal  he  ascended  the  Ottawa  River 
to  its  junction  with  a  small  stream  called  the  Mattawan,  by  which 
he  reached  Lake  Nipissing,  and  from  this  lake  he  descended  the 
French  River  to  Georgian  Bay.  Champlain  was  already  familiar 
with  the  lower  portion  of  the  Ottawa  by  a  voyage  to  AUumettes 
Island^  in  16 13,  and  gives  us  on  his  map  an  excellent  idea  of  the 
river  and  also  of  Lake  Nipissing  (which  he  shows  as  Lac  de  Biserinis) 
with  a  river  leading  from  it  to  the  Mer  Douce^ — clearly  the  modern 
French  River  flowing  into  Lake  Huron,  or  better  into  Georgian 
Bay,  as  he  makes  no  distinction  between  the  two  on  his  chart. 
The  peninsula  formed  by  Lake  Huron  and  Lake  Erie  is,  unfortun- 
ately, marred  by  the  absence  of  the  latter  lake  as  its  southern 
boundary,  and  by  a  corresponding  dislocation  of  the  geographical 
features  related  to  it.  The  course  of  the  Ottawa  appears  with 
surprising  accuracy.  It  is  shown  as  rising  v/ell  to  the  east  of  Lake 
Nipissing  and  flowing  westward,  then  it  turns  to  the  south  until  it 
meets  the  Mattawan  (which  forms  the  connecting  link  between 
Lake  Nipissing  and  the  Ottav/a),  when  mingling  its  waters  with 
those  of  that  stream,  it  takes  an  easterly  course  and  debouches  into 
the  St.  Lawrence  at  Moatreal.  Its  many  rapids,  so  much  dreaded 
by  the  Fathers,  are  copiously  reproduced,  though,  of  course,  it  is 
impossible  to  show,  in  so  limited  a  space,  the  sixty  odd  cataracts 
that  impede  its  navigation.^  At  the  head  of  the  Mattawan,  so 
Champlain  tells  us,  is  a  'passage  of  a  league  overland,  where  the 
canoes  are  carried.'^  This  portage  brings  the  traveller  to  a  little 
stream  emptying  into  the  Lac  des  Biserinis  (Lake  Nipissing), 
described  in  the  narrative  as  eight  leagues  broad  and  twenty-five 
long,  and  containing  a  'large  number  of  very  pleasant  islands, 
among  others  one  more  than  six  leagues  long,  Vv'ith  three  or  four 
fine  ponds  and  a  number  of  fine  meadows.'    Its  latitude  is  given  as 

^  About  200  miles  above  Montreal. 
^  Lake  Huron.    Literally,  Fresh  Water  Sea. 
3/.  R.  Vol.  XXXIII,  Relation  1647-8.    p.  65. 
*  Note  #87  on  Champlain's  map. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  33 

46°  15',^  There  is  also  a  river,  the  modern  Sturgeon,  entering  this 
lake  from  the  north,  and  this,  Champlain  thought,  extended  to  the 
North  Sea.2  The  French  River,  connecting  Lake  Nipissing  with 
Georgian  Bay,  is  embellished  by  Champlain's  statement  that  he 
proceeded  down  it  'some  thirty-five  leagues,  and  descended  several 
little  falls  by  land  and  by  water,  until  we  reached  Lake  Attigouau- 
tan,  or  Lake  Huron. '^  Turning  south  Champlain  skirted  the  shore 
for  some  forty-five  leagues,  and  entered  at  the  southern  extremity 
of  Georgian  Bay  the  district  that  became  famous  in  Jesuit  annals 
as  Huronia,  residence  of  the  Huron  tribes.  Lake  Huron  the 
traveller  describes  as  'very  large,  nearly  four  hundred  leagues 
long  from  east  to  west,  and  fifty  leagues  broad,  and  in  view 
of  its  great  extent,'  he  says,  'I  have  named  it  the  Mer  Douce.'* 
This  curious  error  in  dimensions,  derived,  no  doubt,  from  his 
Indian  guides,  since  Champlain  himself  did  not  explore  the  lake, 
is  carefully  reproduced  on  his  map. 

Huronia  did  not  in  Champlain 's  time  have  the  importance  as 
a  Jesuit  center  that  it  acquired  later,  and  it  is  but  inadequately 
represented  on  the  chart  of  1632.  Lake  Simcoe,  its  eastern  bound- 
ary, is  shown,  and  it  is  described  in  the  narrative  as  a  lake  twenty- 
five  leagues  in  circumference.^  Champlain  in  pursuing  his  way 
southward  to  visit  the  Iroquois  territory  left  Simcoe,  and  descend- 
ed through  a  series  of  lakes  and  streams,  culminating  in  the  Trent 
River,  which  enters  Lake  Ontario  through  the  Bay  of  Quinte. 
This  waterway  appears  on  the  map  as  a  continuous  stream  rising 
near  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  Mer  Douce  (Huron)  and  fiov/ing 
into  Lac  St.  Louis  (Ontario).  Pausing  to  note  topography  of  Lake 
Ontario  Champlain  writes:  'Here  at  its  eastern  extremity,  which 
is  the  entrance  to  the  great  River  St.  Lawrence,  we  made  the 
traverse,  in  latitude  43°,  where  in  the  passage  there  are  very  large 
beautiful  islands.  We  went  about  fourteen  leagues  in  passing  to 
the  southern  side  of  the  lake  towards  the  territory  of  the  enemy. 
The  savages  concealed  all  their  canoes  in  the  woods  near  the  shore. 

1  W.  L.  Grant.   Ibid.  p.  280. 

^  Note  ifSs  on  Champlain's  map. 

^W.  L.Grant.  Ibid.  p.  281.  Gabriel  Sagard-Theodat.  Histoire  du  Canada 
etc.  p.  727  et  seq.  gives  a  good  description  of  the  course  from  the  St.  Lawrence 
to  Lake  Huron  via  the  Ottawa  River.  It  corresponds  pretty  generally  to 
Champlain's  account,  so  does  not  need  any  repetition  here. 

4  W.  L.  Grant.  Ibid.  p.  282. 

5  W.  L.  Grant.  Ibid.  p.  287. 


34  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

We  went  some  four  leagues  over  a  sandy  strand,  where  I  observed 
a  very  pleasant  and  beautiful  country,  intersected  by  many  little 
streams  and  two  small  rivers,  which  discharge  into  the  before- 
mentioned  lake,  also  many  ponds  and  meadows  .  .  .  All  the  canoes 
being  thus  hidden,  we  left  the  border  of  the  lake,  which  is  some 
eighty  leagues  long  and  twenty-five  wide  .  .  .  We  contiflued  our 
course  by  land  for  about  twenty-five  or  thirty  leagues.  In  the 
space  of  four  days  we  crossed  many  brooks,  and  a  river  which  pro- 
ceeds from  a  lake  that  discharges  into  that  of  the  Entouhonorons.^ 
This  lake  is  twenty-five  or  thirty  leagues  in  circuit,  contains  some 
fine  islands,  and  is  the  place  where  our  enemies,  the  Iroquois, 
catch  their  fish,  in  which  it  abounds.'^  Champlain  on  reaching 
Lake  Ontario  descended  its  shore  to  modern  Kingston  where  he 
crossed  over  to  the  mouth  of  the  Salmon  River,  a  small  stream 
emptying  into  the  lake  near  what  is  now  the  town  of  Pulaski  in 
Oswego  County.  Journeying  overland  he  traversed  the  Oneida 
River  near  its  source,  and  reached  an  Iroquois  fort  situated  on 
Nichols  Pond,  a  few  miles  south  of  Oneida  Lake.^  This  is  all  the 
geographical  knowledge  of  this  region  that  Champlain  imparts; 
and  his  information  is  sufficiently  vague  to  have  roused  heated  and 
acrimonious  disputes  between  antiquarians  as  to  his  actual  route 
and  the  location  of  the  Iroquois  fort.  ReturniDg  from  his  southern 
expedition  the  explorer  visited  the  Tobacco  Nation  and  the  Che- 
veux  Releves.  The  latter  he  places  near  the  Neutral  Nation,  a 
tribe  which  he  locates  on  his  map  to  the  southwest  of  Huronia;  but 
here  he  makes  an  unfortunate  blunder  in  showing  Lake  Erie  as  a 
river  rising  in  the  western  extremity  of  the  Mer  Douce,  and  precip- 
itating itself  into  Lac.  St.  Louis  over  Niagara  Falls,  described  by  him 
as  'very  high,  where  many  fish  come  down  and  are  stunned.'^  South 
of  this  imaginary  river  he  places  the  Neutral  Nation,  although 
they  were  actually  situated  along  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Erie. 

1  This  refers  to  Oneida  Lake,  the  lake  of  the  Entouhonorons  being  Ontario. 
The  river  is  the  Oneida-Oswego  which  drains  the  former  lake  into  the  latter. 

2  W.  L.  Grant.  Ibid.  pp.  289-290. 

3  The  route  we  have  followed  above  is  the  one  outlined  by  J.  S.  Clark. 
(See  his  map  in  Winsor.  Nar.  &  Crit.  Hist.  Vol.  IV,  p.  125),  and  is  followed  in 
the  main  by  Parkman,  (see  his  map  in  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World, 
p.  398).  E.  F.  Slafter  holds  the  same  opinion  as  Parkman.  See  his  Voyages  of 
Samuel  de  Champlain.  Vol.  I,  pp.  128-133.  O.  H.  Marshall  traces  a  different 
course  which  he  discusses  in  his  two  papers:  Cham-plain' s  Expedition  against 
the  Onondagas  in  1615,  and  Champlain's  Expedition  of  1615.  See  his  Historical 
Writings,  and  his  map  on  p.  42  of  that  work. 

^  See  note  #90  on  Champlain's  map. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  35 

Although  Lake  Ontario  was  first  reached  in  a  roundabout  way 
leading  up  the  Ottawa  River  and  down  through  Georgian  Bay,  the 
direct  route  up  the  St.  Lawrence  was  known  to  Champlain  from 
the  reports  of  Indians  and  is  shown  by  him  on  his  map.  Encamped 
below  the  junction  of  the  Ottawa  and  St.  Lawrence  near  the  site 
of  Montreal,  he  writes:  'They  told  us  that,  after  passing  the  first 
fall,^  which  we  had  seen,  they  go  up  the  river  some  ten  or  fifteen 
leagues  with  their  canoes,  extending  to  the  region  of  the  Algon- 
quins,  some  sixty  leagues  distant  from  the  great  river,^  and  that 
they  then  pass  five  falls,  extending,  perhaps,  eight  leagues  from 
the  first  to  the  last,  there  beiag  two  where  they  are  obliged  to 
carry  their  canoes  .  .  .  After  this,  they  enter  a  lake,^  perhaps  some 
fifteen  or  sixteen  leagues  long.  Beyond  this  they  enter  a  river  a 
league  broad,^  and  in  which  they  go  several  leagues.  Then  they 
enter  another  lake  some  four  or  five  leagues  long.^  After  reaching 
the  end  of  this,  they  pass  five  other  falls,  the  distance  from  the 
first  to  the  last  being  about  twenty-five  or  thirty  leagues  .  .  .  Then 
they  come  to  a  lake^  some  eighty  leagues  long,  with  a  great  many 
islands;  the  water  at  its  extremity  being  fresh  and  the  winter 
mild.'''  Champlain's  map  of  1632  shows  these  rapids,  and  the  first 
two  lakes  without  giving  them  names;  the  lower  is  now  Lake  St. 
Francis,  and  the  upper  an  expanse  of  the  St.  Lawrence  called  a 
lake  by  the  Indians. 

In  turning  to  Champlain  for  information  regarding  Lake 
Superior  we  find  bj^  his  narrative  that  whatever  knowledge  he  ex- 
hibited on  his  chart  was  probably  derived  from  Indian  sources. 
Speaking  of  a  native  informer  whom  he  interviewed  near  the 
Lachine  Rapids  at  Montreal,  he  says;  'He  told  us  that,  some  two 
or  three  leagues  beyond  the  fall  we  had  seen,  there  is  a  river  ex- 
tending to  the  place  where  the  Algonquins  dwell,  and  that,  pro- 
ceeding up  the  great  river,^  there  are  five  falls,  some  eight  or  nine 
leagues  from  the  first  to  the  last .  .  .  After  this  they  enter  a  very  large 

^  Lachine  Rapids. 
^  St.  Lawrence. 
'  Lake  St.  Francis. 

*  This  is  still  the  St.  Lawrence. 

*  An  expanse  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 
^  Lake  Ontario. 

'  E.  F.  Slafter.  Ihid.  Vol.  I,  pp.  270-271.  Champlain  also  obtained  another 
report  from  the  Indians  which  is  substantially  the  same,  the  length  of  Ontario 
being  given  as  150  leagues.  Ihid.  p.  274. 

^  Ottawa. 


36  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

lake,  some  three  hundred  leagues  in  length.^  Proceeding  some 
hundred  leagues  in  this  lake,  they  come  to  a  very  large  island,^  be- 
yond which  the  water  is  good;  but  that,  upon  going  some  hundred 
leagues  farther,  the  water  has  become  somewhat  bad,  and,  upon 
reaching  the  end  of  the  lake,  it  is  perfectly  salt.  That  there  is  a 
fall  about  a  league  wide,'  where  a  very  large  mass  of  water  falls 
into  said  lake;  that,  when  this  fall  is  passed,  one  sees  no  more  land 
on  either  side,  but  only  a  sea  so  large  that  they  have  never  seen  the 
end  of  it,*  nor  heard  that  anyone  has.'^  The  description  refers  to 
the  route  up  the  Ottawa  to  Lake  Huron,  the  'very  large  lake  some 
three  hundred  leagues  in  length,'  as  the  narrative  says  with  pardon- 
able exaggeration.  The  route  continues  evidently  up  the  northern 
shore  of  Lake  Huron  past  Manitoulin  Island,  one  hundred  leagues 
beyond  which  the  water  was  said  to  be  bad,  becoming  salt  at  the 
end  of  the  lake.  This  is  in  all  probabihty,  though  we  cannot  be 
certain,  a  vague  reference  to  the  upper  Baye  des  Puans,  or  Green 
Bay  in  Lake  Michigan,  inhabited  by  the  Ouinipeg  (Winnebago) 
Indians,  whose  name  was  so  long  associated  with  salt  or  ill-smelling 
water.  The  boundless  sea  beyond  the  rapids  refers  to  Lake 
Superior."^  The  map  embodies  this  description.  We  find  the  Mer 
Douce  running  east  and  west  with  the  Grand  Lac  (Superior)  empty- 
ing into  its  western  extremity  through  a  narrow  strait,  blocked  by 
a  rapid.  Champlain  describes  this  rapid  in  a  note  on  his  map  as 
the  'Sault  de  Gaston,  nearly  two  leagues  broad,  and  discharging  into 
the  Mer  Douce.  It  comes,'  he  says,  'from  another  very  large  lake, 
which,  with  the  Mer  Douce,  have  an  extent  of  thirty  days'  journey 
by  canoe,  according  to  the  report  of  the  savages.'^  Just  east  of 
the  Sault  Champlain  has  placed  a  small  lake  draining  into  Lake 
Huron  by  a  narrow  river,  bearing  the  gloss:  'Riuiere  des  Puans, 
coming  from  a  lake  where  there  is  a  mine  of  pure  red  copper;'^  and 
in  this  lake  we  find  an  island  containing  a  copper  mine,  while  on 

^  Lake  Huron. 

^  Manitoulin  Island. 

3  Sault  Ste.  Marie. 

^  Lake  Superior. 

s  E.  F.  Slafter.  Ibid.  pp.  275-276. 

«  C.  W.  Butterfield.  History  of  Brule's  Discoveries  and  Explorations,  p.  loi, 
assumes  that  Champlain  considered  Lake  Superior  to  be  a  salt-water  body. 
He  says:  'As  to  its  waters  being  salt,  the  conclusion  of  Champlain  was  arrived 
at  from  erroneous  information,  of  course,  doubtless  promoted  by  his  eager- 
ness to  reach  a  northern  ocean.' 

^  Note  #34  on  Champlain's  map. 

«  Note  #33  Ibid. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  37 

its  northern  shore  dwell  the  Nation  des  Puans.  To  connect  an 
island  bearing  copper  with  any  body  of  water  inhabited  by  the 
Puans  presents  grave  difficulties.  Possibly  this  lake  is  intended  for 
Green  Bay,  but  through  some  misunderstanding  has  been  placed 
east,  instead  of  west,  of  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie;  the  island  may  be 
Isle  Royale  in  Lake  Superior,  for  this  island  is  rich  in  copper  ore, 
though  how  it  could  have  been  placed  where  it  is  on  the  map  is  a 
matter  of  guesswork.^  Certainly  Champlain  never  interviewed  a 
person  who  had  been  there,  save,  perchance,  an  Indian  whom  he 
did  not  readily  understand.  We  shall  have  occasion  to  refer  to 
this  peculiar  error  when  we  come  to  discuss  Etienne  Brule's  alleged 
journey  to  Lake  Superior.  So  much  for  Champlain's  contributions 
to  geographical  knowledge  as  given  on  bis  map  and  in  his  nar- 
ratives, in  so  far  as  they  fall  within  the  field  of  our  investigations. 
His  explorations  up  the  Saguenay  and  the  information  he  gives 
on  his  chart  regarding  that  river  and  its  source  in  Lake  St.  Joha 
will  be  treated  separately  in  the  last  chapter. 

SECTION  2 

Contributions  to  the  Geography  of  Upper  Canada 

In  plunging  into  the  western  wilderness  a  choice  of  two  routes 
lay  before  the  Fathers  when  they  reached  the  site  of  Montreal. 
The  one  up  the  Ottawa  River  is  now  familar  to  the  reader  from  the 
story  of  Champlain's  exploration,  the  other  up  the  St.  Lawrence  to 
Lake  Ontario  was  the  shorter  and  more  accessible  of  the  two.  The 
Fathers  chose  the  Ottawa  route  because  the  other  was  closed  to 
them  by  the  hostility  of  the  Iroquois,  whose  enmity  had  been  in- 
curred by  Champlain  when  he  fought  against  them  in  the  early 
days  of  French  exploration.  In  fact  this  circumstance  may  be 
said  to  have  determined  in  a  large  measure  the  drift  of  French  dis- 
covery on  the  American  continent,  for  it  led  the  pioneers,  both  lay 
and  clerical,  to  the  Upper  Lakes,  and  caused  them  to  reach  the 
Mississippi,  the  goal  of  their  efforts,  by  way  of  Lake  Michigan  and 
the  Wisconsin  River  instead  of  by  the  more  southerly  route  of  the 
Ohio.  Nevertheless,  the  advantages  of  the  St.  Lawrence  trail 
were  known  before  they  could  be  utilized.  Father  Ragueneau  in 
1647  discusses  in  his  outline  of  Canadian  geography  the  two  routes 

^  Winsor.  Cartier  to  Frontenac.  p.  144  considers  this  lake  to  be  Green  Bay 
placed  on  the  wrong  side  of  the  Sault. 


38  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

between  Huronia  and  Quebec;  the  customary  one  up  the  Ottawa, 
and  the  shorter  one  by  the  St,  Lawrence,  as  yet  unexplored.  'By 
that  Lake  Saint  Louys  [Ontario],'  he  writes,  'we  could  go  straight 
to  Quebec  in  a  few  days,  and  with  less  trouble,  having  only  three 
or  four  falls — or,  rather,  more  rapid  currents — to  pass  all  the  way 
to  Mont-Real,  which  is  distant  only  about  sixty  leagues  from  the 
outlet  of  Lake  Saint  Louys.  But  fear  of  the  enemies  who  dwell 
along  the  shores  of  this  lake  compels  our  Hurons,  and  us  with  them, 
to  make  a  long  detour  to  reach  another  branch  of  the  River  Saint 
Lawrence, — namely,  that  which  flows  to  the  north  of  Mont-Real, 
and  which  we  call  the  River  des  Prairies}  This  lengthens  our 
journey  by  almost  one-half,  and,  moreover,  compels  us  to  pass 
more  than  sixty  falls.'^  For  this  reason,  then,  the  Jesuits  were 
obliged  to  take  the  northern  route,  and  were  led  to  establish  their 
headquarters  in  Huronia.  This  region  though  comparatively 
insignificant  in  itself,  became  of  considerable  importance  as  a 
center  of  exploration,  an  outpost  on  the  frontier,  and  thus  gained 
greater  attention  at  the  time  than  it  otherwise  would  have  had. 
Not  only  is  it  continually  referred  to  in  the  Relations — even 
Creuxius  devotes  special  attention  to  it  in  his  map — but  its  terrain 
has  been  surveyed  with  painstaking  care  by  many  distinguished 
antiquarians  in  recent  times.^ 

The  Huronia  of  the  seventeenth  century  was  small.  It  ex- 
tended from  northwest  to  southeast  about  forty  miles,  with  a  width 
of  half  that  distance  from  northeast  to  southwest.  It  was  bound- 
ed by  Nottawassaga  Bay,  Matchedash  Bay,  indentations  at  the 
southern  extremity  of  Georgian  Bay,  and  by  Lake  Simcoe,  situated 
twenty-five  miles  southeast  of  the  Georgian  coast. ^  The  Indians 
who  dwelt  there  were  given,  like  the  Iroquois,  to  agricultural 
pursuits,  thus  making  the  locality  more  desirable  for  a  mission 
than  a  region  inhabited  by  those  nomadic  tribes  whose  wandering 
habits  were  so  perplexing  to  the  Fathers.  Huronia  had,  according 
to    Sagard,    the   historian   of   the   early   Recollect   missionaries, 

1  A  name  for  the  Ottawa.  To-day  confined  to  that  part  of  the  river  that 
passes  between  the  Island  of  Montreal  and  the  Isle  of  Jesus. 

2  Relation  of  1647-8.   J.  R.  XXXIII,  p.  65. 

3  Notably,  Andrew  F.  Hunter,  A.  E.  Jones,  S.  J.,  Father  Martin,  Francis 
Parkman  and  J.  C.  Tache. 

^  A.  E.  Jones.  Old  Huronia,  in  Ontario  Bureau  oj  Archives.  1908,  p.  5.  A 
good  copy  of  Farther  Jones'  map  may  also  be  found  in  J.  R.  Vol.  XXXIV, 
p.  258. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  39 

twenty-five  villages^ — though  Champlain  gives  the  smaller  num- 
ber of  seventeen.  They  were  'fortified  by  three  palisades  of  wood, 
with  a  gallery  all  around  in  the  form  of  a  parapet,  for  defense 
against  their  enemies. '2.  Champlain  further  describes  the  district 
as  lying  in  'latitude  44°  30',  with  a  fertile  soil  cultivated  by  the 
savages.'^  Owing  to  the  scarcity  of  fuel,  stress  of  war  and  various 
local  disturbances  of  a  more  or  less  temporary  character,  the 
Hurons  changed  their  abodes  about  every  ten  or  twelve  years, 
though  they  remained  in  the  same  general  locality.^ 

Before  the  Jesuits  made  their  appearance  on  the  shores  of 
Lake  Huron,  a  Recollect  missionary,  Joseph  Le  Caron,  had  pre- 
ceded them.  A  careful  search  through  Sagard's  work,  however, 
reveals  but  little  more  than  we  have  seen  recorded  on  Champlain's 
map.  Furthermore,  as  Le  Caron's  papers  were  destroyed  by  fire^ 
we  have  lost  whatever  geographical  information  the  missionarj'^ 
may  have  accumulated.  Nevertheless,  while  engaged  in  his 
missionary  labors,  Le  Caron  became  interested  in  the  Neutral 
Nation,  a  tribe  situated  south  of  Huronia,  and  wrote  his  subordin- 
ate. Father  Daillon,  encouraging  him  to  go  among  them,  as  reports 
concerning  these  people  had  reached  him  through  Champlain's 
interpreter,  Etienne  Brule.^  The  exact  extent  of  Daillon's  wander- 
ings through  the  country  is  uncertain,  for  he  reported  little  that 
would  add  to  existing  geographical  information.  In  a  letter  he 
says:  'After  this  friendly  welcome,  om'  Frenchmen  having  returned, 
I  remained,  the  happiest  in  the  world,  hoping  to  do  a  trifle  for  the 
glory  of  God,  or  at  least  discover  the  means  of  so  doing,  which 
would  be  no  little  thing;  and  to  try  to  ascertain  the  mouth  of  the 
River  of  the  Hiroquois  in  order  to  bring  these  people  to  trade 
there.''^  What  was  this  river  of  the  Hiroquois?  Perhaps  Daillon 
had  ventured  far  enough  east,  as  did  Brebeuf  and  Chaumonot  a 
few  years  later,  to  hear  rumors  of  the  Niagara  River,  if  he  did  not 

1  G.  Sagard-Theodat.    Histoire  du  Canada,  p.  234. 

"^  Note  |f86  on  Champlain's  map. 

^  Ibid.  Though  Champlain  speaks  of  17  villages  in  note  ft86  of  his  map,  his 
narrative  gives  18  villages,  6  of  which  were  fortified.  W.  L.  Grant.  Ibid.  p.  313. 

*  Champlain  mentions  this  fact.  W.  L.  Grant.  Ibid,  p.  314.  See  also  A.  E. 
Jones.   Old  Huronia,  p.  26. 

*"  Pierre  Margry.  Memoires  et  Documents  pour  Servir  a  V  Histoire  des 
Origines  Frangaises  des  Pays  d'Outre-Mer.  1879.  Vol.  I,  p.  11. 

6  See  Daillon's  letter  of  July  18,  1627  in  Sagard.  Ibid.  p.  800.  It  is  dated 
at  Toanchain,  in  Huronia,  p.  809. 

^  Sagard.  Ibid.  p.  802.  ' 


40  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

actually  see  it  himself;  and  as  subsequent  explorations  located  the 
Neutral  Nation  as  far  east  as  the  Niagara  River,  it  is  not  alto- 
gether improbable  that  Daillon  may  have  ventured  thus  far.^ 
Clearly  but  little  geographical  information  can  be  obtained  from 
this  voyage,  certainly  not  enough  to  rob  Fathers  Brebeuf  and 
Chaumonot  of  the  credit  of  opening  up  the  Neutral  country  when 
they  visited  it  on  1640.  Traders,  it  is  true,  occasionally  penetrated 
to  the  country,  'but,'  as  Father  Lalemant  wrices  in  the  Relation  of 
1 640- 1,  'we  have  no  knowledge  of  anyone  who  has  gone  there  for 
the  purpose  of  preaching  the  Gospel,  except  the  Reverend  Father 
Joseph  de  la  Roche  Daillon,  a  Recollect,  who  in  1626  made  a 
journey  thither,  and  spent  the  winter  there. '^  This  leads  us  to 
assume  that  those  who  did  visit  the  Neutrals  were  not  educated 
men  who  could  record  their  experiences. 

Father  Jean  Brebeuf,  founder  of  the  Huronia  mission  and  the 
first  Jesuit  explorer  with  whom  we  shall  have  occasion  to  deal, 
arrived  in  Huronia  for  the  first  time  in  1625.  This  famous  priest, 
destined  to  become  one  of  the  heroes  of  Canadian  annals,  was  born 
in  1593,  and  came  to  Canada  at  the  age  of  thirty-two,  going 
immediately  to  the  Huron  country  where  he  remained  for  some 
time  achieving  but  indifferent  results.  After  the  restoration  of 
Quebec  by  the  English  in  1632  he  again  sought  his  flock  (1634), 
with  whom  he  stayed  until  his  tragic  death  in  1649.  The  Indians 
received  him  with  enthusiasm.  Former  friendships  were  renewed, 
and  Brebeuf  with  aid  of  his  fellow-missionaries  soon  established 
his  headquarters  at  Ste.  Marie-on-the-Wyef  and  several  subord- 
inate missions  were  distributed  among  the  various  villages.  From 
this  point  the  Fathers  undertook  a  series  of  expeditions  to  the 
neighboring  tribes.  The  first  mission  planted  outside  of  Huronia 
proper  was  that  among  the  Tobacco  Nation.  'The  Khiononta- 
teronons,'  reads  the  Relation  of  1640,  'who  are  called  "the  Nation 
of  the  Tobacco,"  from  the  abundance  of  that  plant  there,  are 
distant  from  the  country  of  the  Hurons — whose  language  they 
speak — about  twelve  or  fifteen  leagues  toward  the  West  .  .  .  This, 

1  Such  is  the  opinion  of  Frank  H.  Severance  who  says  that  the  River  of 
the  Hiroquois  which  referred  to  the  St.  Lawrence  may  have  been  considered  a 
continuation  of  the  Niagara.    An  Old  Frontier  of  France.   Vol.  I,  p.  16. 

2  Relation  of  1 640-1.   J.  R.  XXI,  p.  203. 

3  Situated  near  the  mouth  of  the  Wye  River  which  flows  into  Midland 
Bay,  a  branch  of  Georgian  Bay. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  41 

which  we  have  named  the  mission  of  the  Apostles,  has  been  the 
fifth  of  our  missions.  .  .  .  Here  are  the  names  which  they 
[the  missionaries]  have  given  to  nine  villages  that  they  have 
encountered  there. '^  Then  follows  a  list  of  prominent  saints  whose 
names  were  to  grace  the  Indian  settlements.  Of  these  one  bore  the 
name  of  St.  Simon  and  St.  Jude,  and  the  other  of  St,  Peter  and 
St.  Paul.  The  former  was  situated  on  Dyer  Bay  which  washes 
the  eastern  coast  of  Bruce  Peninsula,  a  tongue  of  land  separating 
Georgian  Bay  from  Lake  Huron.  The  latter  lay  between  the  Sable 
and  Sangren  Rivers — two  streams  that  empty  into  Lake  Huron  at 
the  southern  extremity  of  Bruce  Peninsula.  These  villages  are 
given  their  approximate  locations  on  the  maps  of  Creuxius,  1660, 
and  Sanson,  1656. 

One  of  the  earliest  evidences  of  geographical  contribution  is 
shown  by  the  expedition  of  Fathers  Brebeuf  and  Chaumonot  to  the 
Neutral  Nation.  The  two  pioneers  with  their  attendants  left  Ste. 
Marie-on-the-Wye  in  November,  1640,  and  journeyed  through  the 
Huron  settlement  of  Teanaustaiae,  reaching  in  a  few  days  the 
first  Neutral  village,  Kandoucho,  called  by  the  missionaries.  All 
Saints.  'This  nation  is  very  populous;'  the  travellers  tell  us, 
'about  forty  villages  or  hamlets  are  counted  therein.  Setting  out 
from  our  Huron  people  to  reach  the  first  and  nearest  villages,  we 
travel  four  or  five  days, — that  is  to  say,  about  forty  leagues, — 
going  always  directly  South.  So  that  we  can  say  that  if,  according 
to  the  latest  and  most  exact  observation  which  we  have  been  able 
to  make,  our  new  house  at  Sainte  Marie  (which  is  in  the  midst  of 
the  Huron  country)  is  in  forty-four  degrees  and  about  twenty-five 
minutes  of  latitude,  the  entrance  to  the  Neutral  Nation  from  the 
side  of  our  Huron  people  will  have  a  latitude  of  42  degrees  and  a 
half,  or  thereabouts. '2  The  Fathers  travelled  under  difficulties,  for 
a  pestilence  which  had  broken  out  among  the  Hurons  was  attri- 
buted to  them.  This  news  spread  southward  inflaming  the  Neutrals 
against  them,  so  that  they  were  received  with  every  mark  of  dis- 
trust and  hostility:  their  books  and  sacred  paraphernalia  were  re- 

^  J  R.  XX,  p.  43.  Relation,  1647-8  gives  distance  of  Tobacco  Nation  as  12 
leagues.   J.  R.  XXXIII,  p.  61.    Bressani  as  35  to  40  miles.   XXXVIII,  p.  235. 

^  Relation  1 640-1.  J.  R.  XXI,  p.  189.  Substantially  the  same  account  is 
given  in  Chaumonot's  letter  of  Aug.  3,  1640,  save  that  the  time  consumed  in 
the  journey  is  given  as  six  days.  An  error  has  been  made  in  dating  this  letter; 
it  should  be  1641,  not  1640.    /.  R.  XVIII,  p.  39. 


42  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

garded  with  open  suspicion;  prayers  were  considered  malevolent 
incantations ;  and  so  grave  did  the  danger  become  that  they  deemed 
it  inadvisable  to  attempt  the  use  of  scientific  instruments  with 
which  to  reckon  their  position.  'From  the  first  village  of  the  Neu- 
tral Nation/  continues  the  narrative,  'which  one  finds  on  arriving 
there  from  this  place,  and  continuing  to  travel  south  or  southeast, 
it  is  about  four  days'  journey  to  the  entrance  of  the  so  celebrated 
river  of  that  nation,  into  the  Ontario  or  lake  of  St.  Louys.  On  this 
side  of  that  river, — and  not  beyond  it,  as  a  certain  chart  indicates,^ 
are  the  greater  part  of  the  villages  of  the  Neutral  Nation.  There 
are  three  or  four  beyond,  ranging  from  east  to  west,  towards 
the  Nation  of  the  Cat,  or  Erieehronons.^  This  stream  or  river 
is  that  through  which  our  great  lake  of  the  Hurons,  or  fresh-water 
sea,  empties;  it  flows  first  into  the  lake  of  Erie,  or  of  the  nation  of 
the  Cat,  and  at  the  end  of  that  lake,  it  enters  into  the  territory  of 
the  Neutral  Nation,  and  takes  the  name  of  Onguiaahra  [Niagara], 
until  it  empties  into  the  Ontario  or  Lake  of  Saint  Louys,  whence 
finally  emerges  the  river  that  passes  before  Quebek,  called  the  St. 
Lawrence.'^ 

The  exact  route  traversed  by  the  Fathers  has  given  rise  to  some 
speculation,  as  the  directions  and  distances  are  somewhat  at 
variance  with  known  geographical  facts,  and  it  is  necessary  to 
modify  their  statements  to  arrive,  even  approximately,  at  the 
truth.  Their  course  of  forty  leagues,  which,  they  say,  lay  directly 
south  of  Ste.  Marie,  would  bring  them  near  the  modern  city  of 
Hamilton,  whence  they  turned  east,  and  reached  the  Niagara  at  its 
junction  with  Lake  Ontario.*  Hamilton,  the  turning  point,  is 
about  forty  leagues  from  Ste.  Marie,  a  space  traversed  by  the 
explorers  in  four  or  five  days;  but  from  there,  if  this  was  the  first 
village  of  the  Neutrals,  if  required  four  days  to  reach  the  Niagara, 
distant  barely  fifteen  leagues  as  the  crow  flies,  and,  moreover,  due 
east  in  direction,  not  south  or  southeast  as  the  Relation  tells  us. 
Furthermore,  the  latitude  of  the  first  village,  as  given  in  the  nar- 
rative, is  extremely  inaccurate — though,  to  be  sure,  we  must  admit 

1  One  of  the  lost  maps  discussed  in  Chapter  I. 

*  The  easternmost  village  of  the  Neutrals  was  at  Lockport,  N.  Y.,  east  of 
the  Niagara  River.    F.  H.  Severance.  Ibid.  Vol.  I,  p.  19. 

3  Relation  of  1640-1.   /.  R.  XXI,  pp.  189-191. 

4  F.  H.  Severance  gives  the  route  through  the  towns  of  Beeton,  Orangeville, 
Georgetown,  Hamilton  and  St.  Catherines,  a  southerly  direction  as  far  as 
Hamilton,  whence  the  route  lies  east.   Ibid.  Vol.  I,  p.  18. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  43 

that  the  Fathers  were  unable  to  use  their  instruments,  and  had  to 
rely  solely  on  dead  reckoning — since  the  parallel  42°  30'  would 
bring  one  to  the  middle  of  Lake  Erie.  Presumably  the  direction 
given,  i.  e.  due  south,  was  estimated,  and  not  observed  by  compass, 
so  that  the  explorers  must,  in  reality,  have  travelled  their  forty 
leagues  in  a  southwesterly  direction,  which  would  have  brought 
them  in  the  vicinity  of  Lake  Medad,  Halton  County,  where  modem 
research  has  revealed  the  site  of  an  Indian  settlement.  This  spot 
is  approximately  halfway  between  Ste.  Marie-on-the-Wye  and  the 
Niagara  River.  One  authorfciy  has  adopted  Brantford,  somewhat 
farther  west  than  Lake  Medad,  for  the  site  of  the  first  Neutral 
Village,  Kandoucho.^  Sanson  on  his  map  of  1656  gives  a  village 
which  he  labels,  Neutre  ou  N  D  des  Anges,  placed  on  a  river  whose 
location  would  indicate  it  to  be  the  modern  Grand,  a  stream  that 
flows  into  Lake  Erie  after  passing  through  the  region  where  Brant- 
ford and  Lake  Medad  are  situated.  The  inscription  on  this  settle- 
ment is  translated  literally:  'Neutral  or  Our  Lady  of  the  Angels,'  a 
statement  which  indicates  it  to  be  in  all  probability,  the  first 
Neutral  village.  As  the  Fathers  speak  in  their  report  of  Kan- 
doucho  as  being  the  mission  of  All  Saints,  it  is  quite  possible  that 
the  two  names  refer  to  two  different  towns,  placed  near  together; 
and  the  fact  that  antiquarians  have  selected  two  separate  localities 
with  which  they  identify  the  first  Neutral  village  would  indicate 
such  a  possibility.  Thus  we  have  on  Sanson's  map,  and  on  that 
of  Creuxius  (1660)  as  well,  since  he  reproduces  the  same  informa- 
tion, a  fairly  accurate  idea  of  the  spot  where  the  first  village  was 
located. 

In  this  narrative  we  are  given  our  first  information  regarding 
Lake  Erie  as  the  connecting  link  between  Lakes  Huron  and  Ontario. 
We  saw  on  Champlain's  map  that  Erie  was  represented  as  a  river, 
and  now  we  may  turn  to  records  that  enabled  geographers  to  show 
the  lake  in  its  true  form.  In  his  Relation  of  1647-8  Father  Raguen- 
eau'''  who  had  every  opportunity''  to  interview  Father  Brebeuf  and 
obtain  from  him  more  information  than  he  gives  us  in  his  report, 
made  an  elaborate  geographical  survey  of  Canada,  that  appears  to 

1  A.  F.  Hunter  favors  Lake  Medad  for  the  location;  while  Jas.  H.  Coyne 
prefers  Brantford.  J.  R.  XXI,  note  Si  6.  See  also  Coyne's  Country  oj  the 
Neutrals,  p.  13. 

^  Ragueneau  was  for  many  years  a  prominent  worker  in  Huronia  and  a 
writer  of  many  communications  on  geograph3^ 


44  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

form  the  basis  of  many  subsequent  maps.  Ragueneau,  it  will  be 
remembered,  was  the  author  of  a  map  of  the  Huron  country  which 
is  no  longer  extant,^  In  describing  the  Neutral  region  the  Father 
throws  considerable  light  on  Lake  Erie.  He  says:  'Almost  due 
south  from  the  countrj"  of  the  same  Neutral  Nation,  we  find  a 
great  Lake  nearly  two  hundred  leagues  in  circumference,  called 
Erie;  it  is  formed  by  the  discharge  of  the  fresh- water  Sea  [Lake 
Huron]  and  throws  itself  over  a  waterfall  of  a  dreadful  height  into 
a  third  Lake,  named  Ontario,  which  we  call  Lake  Saint  Louys, 
and  of  which  we  shall  speak  farther  on.  The  southern  shores  of 
this  Lake  Erie  were  formerly  inhabited  by  certain  tribes  whom  we 
call  the  Nation  of  the  Cat.'^  This  knowledge  of  Lake  Erie  was 
certainly  a  vast  improvement  over  that  imparted  by  Champlain, 
when  he  sketched  the  lake  as  a  river  connecting  Lake  Huron  with 
Ontario.  It  is  clearly  a  Jesuit  contribution,  the  result  of  Jesuit 
investigation,  and  given  to  the  world  in  a  geographical  report  by  a 
member  of  the  Order.  It  constitutes  the  most  available  informa- 
tion for  map-makers  until  the  Abbe  Gallinee,  in  1670,  explored  the 
northern  shore  of  Erie  and  brought  back  an  account  based  on 
personal  observation. 

From  the  headquarters  in  Huronia  expeditions  were  sent  to 
various  parts  of  the  country  from  time  to  time;  and  upon  know- 
ledge derived  from  these  expeditions  certain  fundamental  maps  are 
based.  In  the  Relations  are  found  the  brief  and  rather  unsatis- 
factory account  regarding  Jean  Nicolet,  who  in  1634  explored 
northern  Lake  Huron,  passing  through  the  Straits  of  Mackinac 
to  the  head  of  Green  Bay  and  up  the  Fox  River.  He  was  not  a 
Jesuit;  but  it  is  to  the  Jesuits,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  that  we 
owe  the  meager  information  that  he  gives  about  his  western 
journey.  More  to  the  point,  perhaps,  is  the  expedition  of  Fathers 
Jogues  and  Raymbault  to  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie  in  1641.  Leaving 
Ste.  Marie-on-the-Wye  at  the  invitation  of  some  northern  tribes 
who  wished  the  missionaries  to  visit  them,  they  reach  the  Sault  in 
seventeen  days,  'where  they  found  about  two  thousand  souls,  and 
obtained  information  about  a  great  many  other  sedentary  nations, 
who,' they  say,  'have  never  known  Europeans  and  have  never  heard 

1  This  is  one  of  the  lost  maps  discussed  in  Chap.  I. 

2  Relation  of  1647-8.  /.  R.  XXXIII,  p.  62.  Bressani's  Relation,  1653,  gives 
practically  the  same  account.    /.  R.  XXXVIII,  p.  237. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  45 

of  God, — among  others,  of  a  certain  nation,  the  Nadouessis,^  sit- 
uated at  the  northwest  or  west  of  the  Sault,  eighteen  days'  journey- 
further  away.  The  first  nine  are  occupied  in  crossing  another 
great  lake  that  commences  above  the  Sault;  during  the  last  nine 
days  one  has  to  ascend  a  river  that  traverses  those  lands. '^  A 
lake  above  the  Sault  would  seem  at  first  to  refer  to  Lake  Superior; 
but  in  the  original  French  version  the  lake  is  referred  to  as  being 
dessus  the  Sault,  a  word  that  can  also  be  translated,  'beyond.' 
This  interpretation  is,  no  doubt,  the  correct  one,  as  one  could 
scarcely  reach  the  land  of  the  Nadouessis,  or  Sioux,  by  crossing 
Lake  Superior  and  ascending  a  river,  while  a  direct  route  could 
be  found  via  Lake  Michigan,  Green  Bay  and  the  Fox  River.^ 
Yet  before  Jogues  and  Raymbault  had  set  out  on  their  journey 
Father  Vimont  gave  a  slight  hint  as  to  the  interrelation  of  the 
northern  lakes,  a  fact  that  indicates  the  strong  probability  of 
Nicolet's  influence.  The  Father  saj^s  in  his  Relation  of  1640: 
'This  sea  [Huron]  is  nothing  but  a  large  lake  which,  becoming 
narrower  in  the  west,  or  the  west  northwest,  forms  another  smaller 
lake,  which  then  begins  to  enlarge  into  another  great  lake  or 
second  fresh-water  sea.'*  The  smaller  lake  mentioned  here  refers, 
as  we  shall  see  when  we  come  to  study  Nicolet's  expedition,  to  the 
Big  Bay  de  Noquette,  an  indentation  in  the  northern  shoreline  of 
Green  Bay  near  its  mouth,  which  for  some  unaccountable  reason 
was  mistaken  for  a  separate  body  of  water.  To  this  description  of 
Lake  Huron  Father  Ragueneau,  who  had  the  benefit  of  writing 
after  Jogues'  expedition  to  the  north,  adds  (1647-8)  a  trifle  in  his 
general  account  of  the  countrj'^,  when  he  mentions  a  'lake  whose 
circuit  is  nearly  four  hundred  leagues,  which'  he  says,  'we  call  the 
fresh-water  sea.  It  has  a  certain  rise  and  fall  of  tide,^  and,  at  the 
extremity  farthest  from  us,  communicates  with  two  other  lakes 
which  are  still  larger.^  .  .  .  This  fresh  water  sea  contains  a 
number  of  islands;  one,  among  others,  is  nearly  sixty  leagues  long.''' 

^  Sioux. 

2  Relation,  1642.    ./.  R.  XXIII,  p.  225. 

*  C  W.  Butterfield.  Hist,  of  the  Disc,  of  the  Northwest  by  John  Nicolet, 
thus  interprets  the  word  dessus.  p.  56. 

^  Relation,  1640.    J.  R.  XVIII,  p.  229. 

*  The  phenomenon  of  tidal  disturbances  in  the  Great  Lakes  is  frequently 
mentioned  in  the  Relations.  It  will  be  discussed  in  the  chapter  on  the  Missis- 
sippi Valley. 

^  Superior  and  Michigan  or  Green  Bay. 
''Relation,  1647-8.   /.  R.  XXXIII,  p.'6i. 


46  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

The  curious  misconception  regarding  the  length  and  breadth  of 
Lake  Huron,  which  we  first  noticed  on  Champlain's  map,  hngered 
many  years,  for  Ragueneau  continues  his  description  by  saying 
that  the  lake  'extends  from  east  to  west,  and  thus  its  width  is 
from  north  to  south,  although  it  is  very  irregular  in  form.'^  This 
statement  precludes  any  supposition  that  the  Jesuits  might  have 
explored  the  western  shore  of  Huron,  either  in  person  or  vicariously 
through  one  of  their  lay  attendants.  Sanson's  map  of  1650  gives 
such  an  excellent  outline  of  the  lake  that  one  might  easily  assume 
such  a  possibility,  but,  like  Champlain,  he  was  evidently  obliged  to 
rely  on  information  obtained  from  the  savages,  but  with  the  ad- 
vantage of  having  it  interpreted  for  him  by  missionaries  who  had 
made  a  study  of  the  region.  The  islands  alluded  to  by  Ragueneau 
can  be  no  others  than  those  composing  the  archipelago  separating 
the  North  Channel  from  Lake  Huron  proper,  which  cluster  of 
Islands  consists  of  Drummond,  Cockburn  and  the  largest,  Mani- 
toulin,  whose  length  from  east  to  west  is  about  eighty  miles. 
Manitoulin  was  known  to  the  Fathers  as  Ekaentoton,  inhabited  by 
the  Outaouac  tribe  or  Cheveux  Releves.^  It  was  said  by  some  to 
be  thirty  leagues  in  length,^  by  others,  sixty  in  circumference,  and 
v/as  believed  to  be  situated  about  sixty  leagues  from  the  Huron 
country.*  Here  a  mission  was  established  and  the  aboriginal  name 
was  changed  to  the  Christian  appellation  of  Ste.  Marie.^  By  this 
time  Vimont  and  Ragueneau  had  given  to  the  world  enough  in- 
formation regarding  the  lake  region  to  enable  cartographers  to 
produce  very  creditable  maps,  notably  those  of  Sanson  which  we 
are  about  to  discuss. 

The  first  known  attempt  to  depict  the  Great  Lakes  with  any- 
thing approaching  accuracy  is  Sanson's  chart,  Amerique  Septen- 
trionale,  1650.^  Here  we  find  evidence  of  the  effect  of  the  foregoing 
Jesuit  explorations  and  reports  upon  the  catography  of  the  New 
World;  nor  is  there  any  indication  that  the  advance  made  by  this 
map  over  Champlain's  production  can  be  attributed  to  any  other 
sources  than  those  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers.    The  three  eastern  lakes, 

1  Relation,  1647-8.   J.  R.  XXXIII,  p.  149. 

2  Relation,  1640.  J.  R.  XVIII,  p.  231.  This  tribe  came  from  the  Cheveux 
Releves  near  the  Tobacco  Nation. 

^ Ibid.  p.  231. 

'^Relation,  1647-8.   /.  R.  XXXIV,  p.  103. 

^  Ibid.  p.  103. 

*  Listed  in  Harrisse.    Notes  sur  La  Nouvelle  France^  as  ^^325,  p.  228. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  47 

Huron,  Erie  and  Ontario,  could  scarcely  be  improved;  for  their 
location,  proportionate  sizes  and  relation  to  one  another  bear  a 
striking  resemblance  to  the  work  of  modern  surveyors.  It  is  only 
when  we  come  to  Lake  Superior  and  Michigan — regions  as  yet 
remote  from  Jesuit  activities — that  we  notice  a  lack  of  precise 
knowledge.  Lac  Superieur  is  shown  as  a  large  body  of  water  with 
its  western  shoreline  omitted,  for  the  designer  is  careful  and  will 
not  attempt  what  he  does  not  know,  and  it  is  connected  with  Lake 
Huron  by  a  short,  narrow  strait.  South  of  Lake  Superior,  and 
separated  from  it  by  a  slender  peninsula,  is  the  Lac  des  Puans 
(later  known  as  Green  Bay)  which  empties  into  Lake  Huron.  Its 
outline  somewhat  resembles  Green  Bay  as  we  know  it,  though  no 
effort  is  make  to  distinguish  it  from  Lake  Michigan.  The  author 
presumably  relied  on  Ragueneau's  Relation — based,  I  think,  on 
Nicolet's  report — which  says:  'A  peninsula,  or  a  rather  narrow 
strip  of  land,^  separates  that  superior  Lake  from  a  third  Lake, 
which  we  call  the  Lake  of  the  Puants,  which  also  flows  into  our 
fresh-water  sea  [Lake  Huron]  by  a  mouth  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Peninsula,  about  ten  leagues  farther  west  than  the  Sault.  This 
third  lake  [Green  Bay]  extends  between  the  west  and  southwest, — 
that  is  to  say,  between  the  south  and  the  west,  but  more  toward 
the  west, — and  is  almost  equal  in  size  to  our  fresh-water  sea.'^  It 
will  be  observed  that  while  mention  is  made  of  the  peninsula 
separating  Lake  Superior  from  the  Lake  of  the  Puans,  nothing  is 
said  regarding  the  tongue  of  land  between  that  lake  and  a  larger 
body  of  water  to  the  east,  namely.  Lake  Michigan.  Special  stress 
is  laid  on  the  westerly  prolongation  of  the  lake,  a  direction  that 
applies  more  to  Green  Bay  than  to  Michigan.  That  the  Lake  of 
the  Puans  was  a  body  separated  from  Michigan  was  not  suspected 
until  Father  AUouez'  journal  appeared  in  the  Relation  of  1666-7, 
Sanson  gives  an  excellent  delineation  of  Lake  Huron,  parti- 
cularly the  eastern  shore,  but  what  is  most  interesting  about  his 
map  is  the  outline  of  the  western  coast  which  gives  an  identation 
resembling  Saginaw  Bay,  and  this  at  a  time  when  the  western 
coast  was,  as  far  as  we  know,  still  unexplored.  The  lake,  moreover, 
at  its  southern  extremity  is  correctly  sketched  as  tapering  to  a 

1  This  refers,  of  course,  to  the  peninsula  of  upper  Michigan,  separating 
Superior  from  Lake  Michigan. 

2  Relation,  1647-8.   /.  R.  XXXIII,  pp.  149-151. 


48  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

point  where  it  drains  into  Lake  Erie.  An  island,  obviously  in- 
tended for  Manitoulin,  which  is  not  given  on  Champlain's  map 
(1632)  is  now  shown  and  shown  in  its  proper  place.  Sanson's 
later  chart,  Le  Canada  ou  Nouvelle  France,  1656,  reproduces  on  a 
larger  scale  the  northeastern  section  of  theAmerique  Septentrionale, 
thus  containing  much  detail  which  space  did  not  permit  on  the 
map  of  1650.  Le  Canada  bears  in  its  title  inscription  the  statement 
that  the  great  river  of  Canada,  or  the  St,  Lawrence,  and  all  its 
environs  are  drawn  according  to  French  reports.  This  is  almost 
adequate  proof  that  the  Jesuit  Relations  were  freely  consulted, 
since  they  contain  so  much  information.  The  map  not  only  gives 
the  outlines  of  the  northeastern  section  of  the  Amerique  Septentrion- 
ale with  more  precision,  but  contains  much  additional  geographical 
information  about  this  region.  The  plan  of  the  Great  Lakes  re- 
mains the  same  on  this  later  map  as  on  that  of  1650,  in  fact  it  was 
accepted  for  some  time  to  come  as  a  standard  for  that  region. 
Lake  Huron,  which  has  no  name  on  the  Amerique  Septentrionale, 
is  here  called,  Karegnondi,  and  the  island  of  Manitoulin  bears  the 
inscription,  Cheveux  Releves.  Little  attention  is  paid  to  Huronia, 
which,  from  the  geographer's  point  of  view  was  merely  a  mission 
station,  but  the  author  has  anticipated  Creuxius  by  four  years  in 
locating  the  various  missions  among  the  Neutrals.  Sanson  has  been 
careful  to  note  on  his  chart  the  names  of  a  large  number  of  tribes, 
placed  according  to  prevailing  ideas. 

The  next  most  important  map  in  the  series  is  one  by  Father 
Ducreux.  Frangois  Ducreux,  known  by  his  latinized  name  of 
Creuxius,  was  born  in  1596.  He  entered  the  Jesuit  order  and  be- 
came greatly  interested  in  Canadian  affairs,  though  he  never  came 
to  America  to  take  an  active  part  in  them.  His  Historia  Canaden- 
sis, published  in  1664,  consists  chiefly  of  stories  regarding  the 
missions  and  Indian  wars;  but  it  is  accompanied  by  a  valuable 
chart,  {Tabula  Novae  Franciae,  1660)  described  by  some  critics 
as  poor,  though  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  Creuxius  could  have  im- 
proved it  with  the  materials  at  his  disposal.^  On  this  chart  we 
find  the  Great  Lakes  system  following  closely  on  Sanson,  if  the 
design  was  not  actually  plagiarized  from  him.  The  important 
features,  in  so  far  as  Huronia  is  concerned,  do  not  lie  in  the  map 
proper,  but  in  an  inset  (Chorographia  Regionis  Huronum)  devoted 

^  Biographie  Universelle.  Vol.  XI,  p.  416. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  49 

to  the  detailed  topography  of  Huronia  as  it  existed  prior  to  1649,^ 
This  httle  map  shows  five  rivers  running  north  into  Matchedash 
Bay,  which  have  been  identified,  taking  them  from  west  to  east, 
as  I,  the  Wye,  rising  in  lacus  anaouites  (Cranberry  Lake),  and 
flowing  through  an  expanse  known  to-day  as  Mud  Lake  north- 
ward into  a  sKght  indentation  of  the  coast  which  is  now  called 
Gloucester  or  Midland  Bay;  2,  the  Hog  River;  3,  the  Sturgeon;  4, 
the  Coldwater;  and  5,  the  Severn,  a  stream  which  the  author  shows 
as  taking  its  source  in  the  modern  Lake  Couchiching.^  This  lake 
Creuxius  has  failed  to  connect  with  his  Lacus  Ouentaronius  or 
Simcoe.  The  inset  map,  it  will  be  observed,  represents  roughly  a 
peninsula  between  two  connecting  portions  of  Lake  Huron;  the 
upper  one  into  which  the  rivers  flow  is  Matchedash  Bay,  while  the 
western  one,  shown  as  Lacus  Huronum  on  the  chart,  is  not  Lake 
Huron  proper,  but  Nottawasaga  Bay.  Both  are  branches  of 
Georgian  Bay.  The  Bruce  Peninsula  that  separates  Huron  from 
Georgian  Bay  is  not  given  on  the  inset,  being  situated  too  far 
west  to  be  included.  It  may  be  seen  on  the  larger  map.  The 
northernmost  of  the  smaller  bays,  namely  that  at  the  extremity  of 
the  little  peninsula,  is  Thunder  Bay.  West  of  this  is  a  guK  er- 
roneously placed,  then  comes  Penetanguishene  Bay,  then  the  Mid- 
land Bay  mentioned  above.^  At  the  northwestern  point  of  this 
Peninsula  is  the  7ns.  Gahoedoe,  now  Christian  Island,  where  the 
mission  station  of  Ste,  Marie  was  established  after  the  Iroquois 
invasion  had  destroyed  the  original  settlement.^    East  of  the  7ns. 

^  According  to  A.  E.  Jones  the  inset  map  shows  the  localities  as  they  exist- 
ed between  1642  and  1648.  Old  Huronia.  p.  87.  For  copy  of  Creuxius'  map. 
see  p.  147. 

^  In  identifying  these  rivers  we  have  followed  Father  A.  E.  Jones  who  in 
order  to  make  his  results  conform  with  modern  maps  has  been  obliged  to  omit 
the  North  River,  the  fifth  from  the  west,  and  to  make  the  fifth  river  on  Creux- 
ius' map,  the  Severn.  A.  F.  Hunter,  however,  is  of  the  opinion  that  Creuxius 
omitted  the  Severn,  and  that  the  lake  which  Father  Jones  calls  Couchiching, 
drained  into  the  North  River.  (J.  R.  XX,  note  2).  Since  Lake  Couchiching 
is  the  largest  lake  in  this  region  barring  Simcoe,  and  the  Severn  is  the  largest 
river  of  the  sextet,  it  seems  unlikely  that  Creuxius  would  have  omitted  it  in 
favor  of  a  less  important  stream.  We  have,  therefore,  accepted  Farther 
Jones'  interpretation  of  the  inset  map.  Furthermore,  Father  Jones  has  done 
such  a  painstaking  piece  of  research  on  Huronia  that  one  cannot  go  far  astray 
in  following  such  a  guide.    See  Old  Huronia,  p.  5. 

*  A.  E.  Jones.    Old  Huronia,  p.  5. 

*  A  few  excerpts  regarding  the  location  of  Christian  Island  may  be  of  in- 
terest. 'Within  sight  of  the  mainland,'  writes  Father  Ragueneau  in  describing 
the  island,  'about  twenty  miles  from  that  first  site  of  Sainte  Marie  [on  the 
River  Wye],  is  an  island  surrounded  by  a  vast  lake  (which  might  be  better 


50  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

Gahoedoe  is  the  7ns.  Ondiatana,  known  to-day  as  Giant's  Tomb. 
In  connection  with  the  latter  island  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  a 
reference  to  it  under  the  name  of  a  variant,  Ondichouan,  has  as- 
sisted materially  in  determining  the  site  of  the  settlement  of 
Ihonatiria,  a  place  frequently  mentioned  in  the  Relations.  Father 
Le  Mercier,  in  a  letter  written  from  that  village,  relates  his  con- 
versation with  an  Indian,  who  in  speaking  of  evil  spirits,  said: 
'  "But  thou  must  know  that  the  most  evil  of  all  is  he  of  Ondi- 
chaouan"  (a  large  island  which  we  can  see  from  here) ;  "this  demon 
is  like  a  fire."  '^  Taking  this  statement  in  connection  with  the 
Creuxius'  map,  we  learn  that  Ihonatiria  must  have  been  on  the 
northern  shore  of  the  peninsula  opposite  Giant's  Tomb.  The 
location  of  this  settlement  has  caused  antiquarians  no  little  trouble, 
as  it  is  not  shown  by  Creuxius.  Some  have  placed  it  farther  east 
on  Penetanguishene  Bay,  but  from  the  above  quotation  its  position 
is  fairly  well  indicated.^  The  third  island,  Schiondekiaria,  is  clearly 
Beausoleil.    And  now  a  word  in  regard  to  the  missions. 

The  more  important  missions  of  Huronia  are  also  found  on  the 
inset  map,  and  as  it  is  highly  probably  that  Creuxius  obtained  his 
information  regarding  that  country  from  Jesuit  records  we  shall 
glance  through  these  reports  for  references  to  mission  posts  and 
their  locations,  and  thus  test  the  connection  between  the  chart  and 
the  Relations.  S.  Maria,  better  known  as  Ste.  Marie,  is  placed  on 
the  map  according  to  the  information  given  in  Lalemant's  Relation 
of  1640,  which  saj^s :  'This  place  [Ste.  Marie]  is  situated  in  the  middle 
of  the  country,  on  the  shore  of  a  beautiful  river,  which,  being  not 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  league  in  length,  joins  together  two  lakes, 
— one,  which  extends  to  the  west,  verging  a  little  toward  the  north, 
which  might  pass  for  a  fresh- water  sea;  the  other,  which  is  toward 

called  a  sea).  There  the  fugitive  Hurons  checked  their  flight.'  (Letter  of 
March  13,  1650.  /.  R.  XXXV,  p.  25.)  And  in  the  Relation  of  1648-9  we 
find  the  following  notice  on  the  founding  of  the  new  mission:  'But  the  Huron 
villages,  which  have  become  scattered,  have  taken  various  routes  in  their  flight, 
— some  having  fled  to  the  mountains  where  dwell  those  whom  we  call  the 
Tobacco  Nation,.  .  .  others  having  taken  their  stand  on  an  island  which 
we  name  St.  Joseph  [Christian]  Island,  where  we  began,  nearlj^  a  year  ago, 
a  new  mission.'  {Relation,  1648-9,  J.  R.  XXXIV,  p.  203.)  Father  Jones  has 
identified  this  mission  with  the  remains  of  a  fort  'on  the  northern  side  of  the 
great  bay  which  indents  the  coast  line  of  Christian  Island.'  {Old  Huronia, 
pp.  6  &  7.) 

1  Relation,  1637.   J.  R.  XIII,  p.  229. 

2  This  is  the  conclusion  of  Father  Jones.  Old  Huronia,  p.  28.  See  his 
map,  on  which  the  Ihonatiria  of  Martin  and  Parkman  is  also  given. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  51 

the  south,  the  contour  of  which  is  hardly  less  than  two  leagues. 
.  ,  .  We  have  given  to  this  new  house  the  name  of  Sainte 
Marie,  or  Nostre  Dame  de  la  Conception.'^  Creuxius'  map  and  the 
text  of  the  Relation  agree  so  nicely  that  we  have  no  difficulty  in 
locating  this  mission  on  the  east  bank  of  a  little  stream  (the  Wye) 
connecting  Mud  Lake  with  Midland  Bay,  which  latter  being  a 
branch  of  Georgian  Bay  is  likened  to  a  fresh-water  sea.  Then  the 
Relation  continues :  'This  house  of  Sainte  Marie  bears  not  only  the 
character  of  a  residence  but  also  of  a  mission,  as  having  four  vil- 
lages depending  on  the  care  and  the  attention  of  those  who  make 
their  abode  in  it.  These  four  villages  are  Sainte  Anne,  St.  Louys, 
St.  Denys,  and  St.  Jean;  the  number  of  souls  may  reach  fourteen 
hundred.'^  Creuxius  shows  these  last  three  villages  under  latinized 
names:  S.  Ludovicus  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Hog  River  near  its 
mouth,  St.  Dionisu  a  trifle  to  the  south  of  S.  Ludovicus,  and  S. 
Joannis  on  the  east  shore  of  the  Sturgeon,  while  Kaotia,  which 
has  been  identified  with  Ste.  Anne,  is  placed  west  of  St.  Dionisu.^ 
The  mission  of  Conceptionis,  located  by  Creuxius  on  the  eastern 
lakeshore,  south  of  Bruce  Peninsula,  is  the  village  of  Ossossane, 
called  by  the  French,  La  Rochelle,  and  situated  near  Varwood 
Point.*  A  clue  to  the  position  of  this  village  is  found  in  the  Re- 
lation of  1636  which  says,  when  speaking  of  the  Indians  at  Ihona- 
tiria:  'They  go  short  journeys;  our  village  was  three  days  in  going 
four  leagues  to  reach  Ossossane,  which  we  call  la  Rochelle,  where 
the  ceremonies  were  to  take  place, '^  And  again.  Father  Brebeuf  in 
his  letter  of  May  20,  1637  gives  us  a  hint:  'We  are  now  building 
a  new  house  in  this  village,  which  we  call  Rupella,  the  savages 
Ossossane, — a  populous  town,  where  the  pestilence  was  especially 
severe.  .  .  .  This  house  will  be  called  the  residence  of  the 
Immaculate  Conception.'^  These  facts,  namely  that  the  mission 
of  the  Immaculate  Conception  was  located  in  Ossossan6  or  la 
Rochelle,  a  town  four  leagues  distant  from  Ihonatiria  gives  the 
key  to  its  position.     The  village  of  Toanche,  first  residence  of 

1  Relation,  1640.   J.  R.  XIX,  pp.  133-135. 

^Ibid.  p.  167. 

^  This  is  the  identification  made  by  Father  Jones.    Old  Huronia,  p.  196. 

*  Father  Jones  says  that  there  has  never  been  any  serious  divergence  of 
opinion  as  to  the  location  of  this  village.  The  spot  was  first  identified  by 
Father  Martin  in  1855.   Ibid.  pp.  26  and  27. 

^  Relation,  1636.   J.  R.  X,  p.  291. 

«/.  iJ.  XI,  p.  17. 


52  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

Father  Br^beuf,  does  not,  of  course,  appear  on  the  map,  as  it  had 
been  abandoned  by  the  time  he  had  reached  its  location  on  his 
second  arrival  in  Huronia.  As  he  himself  tells  us:  'My  trouble  was 
that  the  village  of  Toanche^  had  changed  since  my  departure,  and 
that  I  did  not  know  precisely  in  what  place  it  was  situated.'^  It 
was  near  this  deserted  village,  however,  that  Oenrio  was  located, 
for  Brebeuf  says :  'Among  the  villages  that  desire  to  have  us  dwell 
with  them  the  inhabitants  of  Oenrio  have  been  the  most  pressing. 
This  little  village,  situated  quite  near  ours,  formed  part  of  the  one 
where  we  were  formerly  located.'^  Onerio  is  placed  by  Creuxius  on 
the  peninsula  between  Thunder  and  Penetanguishene  Bays.* 

Various  other  missions  are  shown  on  the  inset  map.  St.  Joseph, 
situated  originally  at  Ihonatiria,  was  moved  to  Teanaustaye — 
known  as  the  most  important  town  of  the  entire  country — because 
the  former  residence  had  been  ravaged  by  disease,^  and  modern 
research,  based  on  a  close  study  of  the  Relations,  has  unearthed  the 
exact  location.^  A  league  and  a  quarter  from  St.  Joseph  was  the 
settlement  of  Scanonaenrat,  'one  of  the  most  important  of  the 
country,'  where  the  mission  of  St.  Michel  was  estabhshed.^ 
Scanonaenrat  was  situated  between  the  Sturgeon  River  and  Orr's 
Lake,^  a  small  body  of  water  draining  into  the  Wye  River  just 
north  of  Cranberry  Lake,  though  on  Creuxius'  sketch  it  runs 
directly  into  the  Cranberry  Lake  (Lacus  anaouites).  Creuxius 
places  St.  Michel  in  this  position.  In  1640  it  was  decided  to  found 
a  mission  among  the  Arendaronons,  'the  most  eastern  of  all'  of 
those  comprising  the  Hurons.'*  'This  year,'  says  the  Relation  of 
1640,  'having  found  ourselves  strong  enough  for  this  enterprise, 
we  began  a  mission  there,  which  has  had  three  villages  in  its  de- 
partment,— St.  Jean  Baptiste,  St.  Joachim,  and  Sainte  Elizabeth. 
Fathers  Antoine  Daniel  and  Simon  le  Moine  have  had  the  care  of 
them.    They  made  their  chief  and  most  usual  abode  in  the  more 

1  Jones'  map  places  it  on  the  shore  of  Thunder  Bay,  a  position  accepted  by 
A.  F.  Hunter,  (J.  R.  V,  note  #61.)  and  by  Parkman.  Jesuits  in  North  America, 
p.  56. 

2  Relation,  1635.    J.  R.  VIII,  p.  91- 
^  Ibid.  p.  104. 

■*  Jones  locates  it  here  on  his  map. 
6  Relation,  1639.   J.  R.  XVII,  p.  59. 

*  See  Father  Jones'  map. 

'  Relation,  1639.   J.  R.  XVII,  pp.  87-89. 

*  See  Father  Jones'  map. 

^  Relation,  1640.   J.  R.  XX,  p.  19. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  53 

populous  village  of  St.  Jean  Baptiste,  having  the  most  work  to  do 
there.' ^  Creuxius  places  St.  Jean  Baptiste  on  the  north  shore  of 
Lake  Simcoe  near  Lake  Couchiching,  St.  Joachim  on  the  east 
bank  of  the  Sturgeon  just  south  of  St.  Jean,  and  Ste.  Elizabeth 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  Severn  near  its  source  in  the  latter  lake. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  assume  and  much  more  difficult  to  prove 
that  Creuxius  gathered  his  material  from  other  than  Jesuit  sources. 
The  man  himself,  as  we  have  said,  was  a  member  of  the  Society  of 
Jesus  and  greatly  interested  in  the  work  of  his  Canadian  brethren. 
His  sketch  of  Huronia  shows  with  precision,  even  with  comparative 
accuracy,  the  locations  of  the  missions  and  the  general  outline  of 
the  country.  On  no  other  map  do  we  find  such  close  attention 
given  to  this  region,  and,  in  truth,  a  person  not  vitally  interested  in 
the  missionary  work  would  not  be  likely  to  occupy  himself  with  it, 
especially  after  the  district  had  been  abandoned  for  several  years.^ 
Even  Sanson,  whose  map  of  1656  was  made  four  years  before  that 
of  Creuxius,  takes  but  little  notice  of  the  erstwhile  country  of  the 
Hurons.  Perhaps  Creuxius  had  other  documents  besides  those 
found  in  the  Relations;  but  if  so  we  feel  confident  that  they  were 
compiled  by  the  Canadian  Fathers.  The  rest  of  Creuxius'  chart 
for  this  part  of  the  country  follows  so  closely  upon  Sanson  that  it 
needs  no  further  comment.  When  we  come  to  study  the  routes  to 
Hudson  Bay  we  shall  see  that  it  contains  information  that  could 
have  been  obtained  from  no  other  sources  than  the  Relations. 

Before  leaving  Lake  Huron  it  is  well  to  mention  the  map  drawn 
by  the  Sulpitian,  Father  Gallin^e,  in  1670,^  a  chart  based  on  per- 
sonal observations  made  by  him  during  his  exploration  of  the 
southern  shore  of  Ontario  and  the  northern  coast  of  Erie  in  1669- 
70.  As  his  expedition  did  not  take  place  until  near  the  end  of  the 
period  we  are  discussing,  the  geographical  contributions  of  the  map, 
while  not  drawn  from  Jesuit  sources,  in  no  wise  diminish  the  value 
of  the  information  contributed  by  the  Fathers.  The  chart,  owing 
to  its  unusual  amount  of  detail,  is  the  best  production  of  the  day  in 
so  far  as  the  geography  of  the  regions  surveyed  by  Gallin^e  is 
concerned,  and  it  speaks  well  for  its  author's  powers  of  observation. 

1  Ibid.  p.  21. 

^  Huronia  was  destroyed  by  the  Iroquois  in  1649. 

3  Gallinee's  map,  1670,  is  listed  in  Harrisse.  Ibid,  as  S200,  p.  193.  The 
original  map  has  disappeared.  For  a  full  description  of  it  see  Parkman.  La 
Salle  etc.  pp.  449-50.  There  is  a  copy  known  as  ^i  of  the  Parkman  collec- 
tion in  the  Harvard  Library. 


54  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

Huronia  now  disappears  from  seventeen  century  maps,  and 
Gallinee  bids  it  farewell  with  the  inscription:  C'est  dans  cette  Baye 
que  estoit  autrefois  le  pays  de  hurons  lorsqu'ils  furent  defaite  par  les 
Iroquois  et  ou  les  R.  R.  P.  P.  Jesuites  etoientfort  hien  establis.'^ 

SECTION  3 

Reports  of  the  Jesuits  regarding  Northern  and  Central  New  York 
During  the  second  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  Iroquois 
Confederation  became  for  a  time  more  friendly  to  the  French,  and 
permitted  them  to  enter  Lake  Ontario  by  way  of , the  St.  Lawrence 
River,  and  even  found  missions  in  the  central  and  western  portions 
of  New  York  State.  As  this  region  had  been  closed  to  Canadian 
settlers  we  cannot  find  among  their  records,  either  in  the  Relations 
or  elsewhere,  anything  that  would  yield  any  geographical  informa- 
tion regarding  it.  Having  explained  the  contributions  of  Cham- 
plain,  as  expressed  on  his  map  of  1632,  we  must  now  turn  to  the 
charts  and  narratives  of  those  peoples  who,  encamped  along  the 
eastern  coast,  might  be  supposed  to  have  acquired  some  knowledge 
of  the  interior. 

Although  the  Dutch  were  the  earliest  inhabitants  of  the  eastern 
portion  of  what  is  now  called  New  York  State,  they  contributed 
but  little  information  about  its  topographical  features,  save  in  the 
Hudson  Valley,  between  the  Mohawk  and  the  sea.  Until  166 1 
they  had  confined  their  settlements  to  the  banks  of  the  Hudson; 
only  at  rare  intervals  did  an  explorer  or  trader  push  his  way  west- 
ward along  the  Mohawk  and  bring  back  some  slight  knowledge  of 
the  western  country.  Tort  Orange  [at  the  site  of  modern  Albany] 
was,  up  to  this  period,  the  frontier  town  on  the  northern  and 
western  borders  of  the  province.  Beyond  that  all  was  "the  far 
west,"  little  known  and  less  explored,  wholly  abandoned  to  the 
wild  savage  or  wilder  beasts  of  prey.'^  But  while  the  Netherlanders 
were  safely  ensconsed  in  their  eastern  villages,  the  Canadian 
Jesuits  passed  around  to  the  northwest,  and  approached  the 
Iroquois  country  from  Lake  Ontario.  These  missionaries  were  the 
first,  since  Champlain  made  his  journey  in  161 5,  to  penetrate 
central  New  York  and  leave  authentic  records  of  their  expeditions. 

'  It  is  in  this  hsbj  that  the  country  of  the  Hurons  was  formerly  located  when 
they  were  defeated  by  the  Iroquois,  and  where  the  Reverned  Jesuit  Fathers 
were  well  established. 

2  E.  B.  O'Callaghan.    History  of  Nero  Neiherland.    Vol.  II,  p.  438. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  55 

But  before  analyzing  the  Jesuit  narratives  and  tracing  their 
probable  influence  on  subsequent  cartography,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  examine  the  state  of  the  geographical  knowledge  of  northern 
and  central  New  York  as  it  existed  among  the  Dutch  about  1650. 
Adriaen  Van  der  Donck  gives  what  is  perhaps  the  most  thor- 
ough treatment  of  Dutch  geographical  knowledge  in  his  map  and 
narrative  of  1656.  This  writer  was  sent  to  New  Netherland  under 
the  patronage  of  Killian  Van  Rensselaer  in  1642.  He  dwelt  a 
short  time  at  Fort  Orange,  then  purchased  an  estate  at  modern 
Yonkers  where  he  settled  and  enjoyed  the  lucrative  monopoly  of 
being  the  only  lawyer  in  the  colony.  Unfortunately  for  his  histori- 
cal writings  a  quarrel  broke  out  between  him  and  the  West  India 
Company  that  led  to  their  closing  the  colonial  archives  against 
him.^  Yet  as  Van  der  Donck  was  an  influential  man  he  was  able 
to  secure  enough  information  to  render  his  narrative  of  much 
value.  In  his  geographical  summary  he  is  somewhat  hazy,  for  he 
says:  'On  the  north,  the  river  of  Canada  stretches  a  considerable 
distance,  but  to  the  north-west  it  is  still  undefined  and  unknown. 
Many  of  our  Netherlanders  have  been  far  into  the  country,  more 
than  seventy  or  eighty  miles  from  the  river  and  sea-shore.  We  also 
frequently  trade  with  the  Indians,  who  come  more  than  ten  or 
twenty  days'  journey  from  the  interior,  and  who  have  been  farther 
off  to  catch  beavers,  and  they  know  of  no  limits  to  the  country, 
and  when  spoken  to  on  the  subject,  they  deem  such  enquiries  to  be 
strange  and  singular.  Therefore  we  may  safely  say,  that  we  know 
not  how  deep,  or  how  far  we  extend  inland. '^  Such  a  statement 
shows  how  little  progress  had  been  made  by  the  Dutch  in  acquiring 
geographical  knowledge  of  even  that  portion  of  the  continent  to 
which  they  laid  claim,  yet  by  this  time  the  eastern  portion  of  the 
Great  Lakes  was  familiar  to  the  Jesuits  who  had  even  penetrated 
to  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  and  had  recorded  an  exploration  as  far 
west  as  Green  Bay.  Continuing  Van  der  Donck  says :  Torty-f our 
miles  from  the  sea  this  North  River  is  divided.^    One  part  by  four 

^  George  Folsom.  Preliminary  Notice  to  the  translation  of  Van  der  Donck's 
Description  of  the  New  Netherlands,  in  N.  Y.  Hisl.  Soc.  Coll.  Vol.  I.  1841.  New 
Series,  pp.  126  to  128.  Copy  of  Van  der  Donck's  map  can  be  found  in  Winsor. 
Nar.  &  Crit.  Hist.  Vol.  IV,  p.  438.  It  was  copied  after  Visscher's  map  which 
will  be  treated  later. 

2  Jeremiah  Johsnon.  Trans,  of  Van  der  Donck's  New  Netherlands.  N.  Y. 
Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  Vol.  I.  1 841.  New  Series,  p.  138. 

'  Hudson  River. 


56  Geogkaphical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

sprouts  ascends  to  the  great  falls  of  Maquas  kill/  which  is  named 
Chahoos,^  of  which  we  will  treat  presently.  The  other  part  which 
retains  the  name  of  the  North  River,  is  navigable  for  boats  several 
miles  farther,  and,  according  to  the  information  of  the  Indians, 
rises  in  a  great  lake,  from  which  the  river  of  Canada  also  proceeds.^ 
This  should  be  the  lake  of  the  Iracoysen  (Lake  Ontario) ,  which  is 
as  great  as  the  Mediterranean  sea,  being  forty  miles  wide,  when  in 
the  middle  of  the  sea,  no  eye  can  see  land  or  see  over  it.  The  lake 
also  has  extensive  reed  and  brocklands  of  great  breadth,  wherein 
multitudes  of  water-fowl  breed  in  summer.*  When  the  Indians 
intend  to  cross  this  lake,  they  know  certain  islands  which  lie  there- 
in, and  proceed  from  one  to  another  by  daylight,  to  the  number  of 
three  or  four,  without  which  they  could  not  find  their  way  over  the 
same.  This,  however,  we  relate  on  the  information  of  the  Indians, 
They  also  assert  that  we  can  proceed  in  boats  to  the  river  of  Canada, 
which  we  deem  incredible.  The  other  arm  of  the  North  river  runs 
by  four  sprouts  (as  we  have  related)  to  the  great  falls  of  the  Maquas 
kill.  ,  .  ,  It  however  always  runs  one  way;  is  navigable  for 
boats;  being  tolerably  deep  and  not  rapid;  but  it  extends  above 
sixty  miles,  and  runs  through  the  Maquas  and  Senecas  countries  to 
a  lake,^  remaining  boatable  all  the  way,'® 

Van  der  Donck's  map.  Nova  Belgica  sive  Nieuw  Nederlandt, 
published  in  1656,  was  copied  from  that  of  N.  J.  Visscher,  and 
depicts  an  outline  that  served  as  a  standard  for  the  Dutch  carto- 
graphers of  this  period.  There  are  three  maps  extant  (none  of  them 
dated)  whose  similarity  of  construction  would  make  it  appear 
that  they  were  all  printed  from  the  same  plate,  due  allowance  being 
made  for  slight  changes  by  the  different  engravers  through  whose 
hands  it  passed.     These  maps  are,  the  prototype  map  (so  called 

1  Mohawk  River. 

*  Cohoes. 

'  Supposedly  Lake  Champlain  which  is  drained  by  the  Richelieu  River 
into  the  St.  Lawrence. 

■*  This  identification  of  the  lake  of  the  Iracoysen  with  Ontario  by  the  trans- 
lator (for  the  words  in  parentheses  are  his  interpolations)  is  probably  er- 
roneous. The  northern  branch  of  the  Hudson  would  lead  one  towards  Lake 
Champlain  (though  it  does  not  flow  from  it)  and  not  towards  Ontario.  Ericoise 
(Iracoysen)  was  a  name  applied  to  Champlain  on  numerous  maps,  and  Van 
der  Donck's  description  of  the  islands  and  swamps  would  be  more  appropriate 
to  that  lake  than  to  Ontario.  The  width,  forty  miles,  is,  of  course,  an  exag- 
geration, since  Lake  Champlain  is  not  more  than  eleven  miles  in  width. 

*  Onedia  Lake. 

«  Johnson's  translation  of  Van  der  Donck.  Ibid.  pp.  143  and  144. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  57 

from  its  being  the  first  of  the  series),  a  chart  of  unknown  authorship 
dedicated  to  one  de  Raet,  pubHshed  by  Jansson/  and  repubHshed 
by  Visscher  in  1652-3  with  minor  corrections  and  a  view  of  New 
Amsterdam;'  Visscher's  first  map;^  and  that  of  an  engraver  named 
J.  Danckers.^  Only  the  most  elaborate  and  painstaking  research 
has  been  able  to  establish  the  proper  chronology  of  these  charts 
and  to  determine  to  what  extent,  if  any,  one  author  has  plagiarized 
from  the  others.  The  latest  authority  has  decided,  after  an  ex- 
haustive analysis  of  the  sources  (which  it  is  unnecessary  to  discuss 
here  in  full)  and  the  discovery  of  some  new  material,  that  the  maps 
were  designed  in  the  order  named  from  entirely  different  plates;^ 
though  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  later  engravers  were  familiar 
with  the  work  of  the  first.  The  prototype  map  was  depicted  be- 
tween 1647  ^'iid  1651,^  and  closely  followed  (165 1-5)  by  those  of 
Visscher  and  Danckers."  The  latter,  with  many  alterations,  was 
not  pubhshed  until  late  in  the  seventeenth  century  or  early  in  the 
eighteenth.*  Visscher,  however,  republished  his  chart  in  1659  as 
one  may  see  by  the  date  engraved  under  the  title. 

On  Visscher's  map^  the  Hudson  River  is  shown  with  creditable 
accuracy.  Near  the  site  of  modern  Albany  is  a  stream  flowing 
eastward  into  the  Hudson  that  is  obviously  the  Mohawk.  The 
western  extremity  of  this  river  passes  close  to  a  lake  where  dwell 
the  Canoemakers,  and  from  this  lake  flows  a  large  river  into 
Chesapeake  Bay,  through  lands  inhabited  by  the  Sennecaas, 
Gacheos  and  Capitanasses.  Lying  east  of  the  Hudson,  and  east 
even  of  the  Connecticut,  is  a  huge  inland  sea  draining  northward 
into  the  St.  Lawrence.     This  grotesque  representation  of  Lake 

1 1.  N.  P.  Stokes.  The  Iconographij  of  Manhattan  Island.  1498-1909.  Vol. 
I,  plate  7-a,  and  p.  143. 

"^  Ihid.  p.  121. 

3  Ihid.  plate  7-b,  and  p.  147. 

^  Ihid.  plate  7-A.  Novi  Belgii  Novaeque  Angliae  etc.  a  Justo  Danckers,  and 
p.  148. 

^  Ibid.  p.  145. 

^ Ibid.  vol.  I,  p.  143. 

''Ibid.  pp.  147-8.  Winsor.  Nar.  &  Crit.  Hist,  of  America.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  417, 
gives  the  date  of  Danckers'  atlas  as  about  1680.  G.  M.  Asher.  .4  List  of  Maps 
etc.  pp.  10  and  11,  is  not  so  certain  about  the  date. 

^  G.  M.  Asher.  Ibid,  gives  evidence  to  show  that  Danckers'  map  was  en- 
graved prior  to  that  of  Visscher,  pp.  10  and  11.  He  also  shows  that  they  were 
both  made  from  the  same  plate.  See  footnote  by  Bodel  Nyenhuis,  p.  12.  But 
Stokes  has  disproved  this. 

^  Van  der  Donck's  map  is  substantially  the  same  as  the  western  half  of 
Visscher's.    It  does  not,  however,  give  Lake  Champiain. 


58  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

Champlain,  for  such  it  pilrports  to  be,  is  called  Lacus  Irocoisiensis 
or  Meer  der  Irocoisen,  and  here  it  is  shown  as  it  was  known  to  the 
Dutch  before  it  was  finally  assigned  to  its  proper  place  through  the 
observations  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries.  Attached  to  its  southern 
extremity  is  a  small  appendage  that  might  be  intended  for  another 
lake,  and  this  would  at  once  suggest  Lake  George,  were  it  not  for 
the  fact  that  this  design  of  Lake  Champlain  is  copied  from  maps 
that  antedate  the  discovery  of  Lake  George  by  many  years.^  But 
was  it  an  attempt  to  reproduce  Lake  George  from  Cham  plain's 
narrative,  as  one  might  suppose  when  one  recalls  that  Champlain 
spoke  of  a  lake  south  of  the  one  that  bears  his  name  and  also  gave 
a  vague  and  erroneous  impression  of  it  on  his  map?  Of  this  we 
cannot  be  certain,  but,  judging  from  various  Dutch  maps,  the  size 
and  location  of  Lake  Champlain  were  such  as  to  preclude  the 
assumption  that  Dutch  cartographers  had  any  accurate  knowledge 
of  this  region. 

We  have  now  shown  fairly  conclusively  that  the  Dutch,  who 
might  be  supposed  to  have  had  a  knowledge  of  the  interior  country, 
made  no  geographical  contributions  regarding  the  upper  St. 
Lawrence,  Lake  Ontario  and  its  tributaries,  or  even  Lake  George, 
situated  almost  at  their  door.  The  maps  they  left  us  are  extremely 
vague  on  these  regions,  while  the  literature  of  early  New  Nether- 
land  does  not  disclose  any  familiarity  with  the  territory  west  of 
the  Mohawk  Valley.  French  maps  until  the  appearance  of  the 
Jesuits  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Ontario  give  only  meager  information. 
Champlain's  map  and  expedition  into  western  New  York  have 
been  discussed;  and  the  charts  of  Sanson,  constructed  before  the 
Jesuit  expeditions  had  been  reported,  give  no  more  than  we  have 
learned  from  Champlain. 

Before  taking  up  the  work  of  the  Jesuits  it  will  be  well  to 
describe  briefly  the  journey  of  a  Dutch  explorer  in  the  Mohawk 
Valley,  During  the  year  1634  a  western  expedition  was  under- 
taken by  a  surgeon  named  Bogaert,  who  has  left  us  an  accurate 
description  of  the  geographical  points  that  came  under  his  notice.^ 

1  As,  for  instance,  de  Laet's  Nova  Anglia,  Novum  Belgium  et  Virginia  that 
first  appeared  in  his  Beschrijvinghe  van  West-Indien,  1630. 

2  Narrative  of  a  Journey  to  the  Mohawk  and  Onedia  Country,  1 634-1 635. 
This  paper  was  discovered  in  1895  in  a  garret  where  it  had  lain  for  two  hundred 
and  sixty  years.  At  first  its  author  was  said  to  be  Arendt  van  Curler,  but 
recent  criticism  has  revealed  the  fact  that  it  was  probably  the  work  of  Van 
den  Bogaert,  surgeon  at  Fort  Orange.  J.  F.  Jameson.  Narratives  of  New 
Netherland.    1909.  pp.  137  and  138. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  59 

Starting  from  Fort  Orange  Bogaert  crossed  the  Mohawk  which  he 
ascended  to  Onekagoncka,  the  first  Mohawk  castle,  shown  on 
Visscher's  chart  as  Carenay,^  Thence  he  proceeded  up  the  river 
passing  the  castles  of  Canagere,  Schanidisse  and  t'lonnontego. 
Here  the  map  ends  abruptly,  while  Bogaert  continues  resolutely 
westward.  'We  went  as  before/  he  says,  'and  after  marching  one 
or  two  leagues  we  arrived  at  a  kilP  that,  as  the  savages  told  me, 
ran  into  the  land  of  the  Minquaass,  and  after  another  mile  we  met 
another  kill  that  runs  into  the  South  River. '^  Presumably  he 
refers  to  the  small  stream  in  Herkimer  County,  whose  sources  lie 
near  those  of  the  Unadilla  River,  a  tributary  of  the  Susquehanna, 
although  the  South  River  is  known  to-day  as  the  Delaware  and  not 
as  the  Susquehanna.  Two  days  later  he  came  to  the  Sinnekens 
castle,^  where,  he  says,  'we  saw  to  the  northwest  of  us,  a  larger 
river,  and  on  the  other  side  thereof  a  tremendously  high  land  that 
seemed  to  lie  in  the  clouds.  Upon  inquiring  closely  into  this,  the 
savages  told  me  that  in  this  river  the  Frenchmen  came  to  trade, '^ 
Here  we  have  an  instance  of  French  pioneers  arriving  upon  the 
scene  long  before  the  Jesuits  put  in  an  appearance.  It  is  impossible 
to  identify  this  stream,  though  from  its  size  we  judge  it  to  be  Oneida 
Lake,  seen  by  Bogaert  from  a  distance.^  For  some  reason  or  other 
Bogaert  does  not  appear  to  have  conveyed  his  knowledge  to  the 
Dutch  map-makers.  Van  der  Donck  arrived  in  the  colony  in  1642 ; 
but  evidently  did  not  profit  by  the  explorer's  experience  for  his 
allusions  to  the  upper  Mohawk  Valley  show  no  very  clear  con- 
ception of  that  region. 

Another  pioneer,  a  Frenchman,  the  famous  Pierre  Radisson, 
whom  we  shall  meet  again  in  the  western  country,  passed  through 
central  New  York  just  before  the  Fathers  made  their  appearance. 

^  W.  Max  Reid.  The  Mohawk  Valley.  1901.  p.  29.  gives  an  elaborate  argu- 
ment to  prove  that  the  first  castle,  Onekagoncka,  is  the  same  as  the  Osseruenon 
or  Oneougoure  of  Father  Jogues.  It  was  located  near  the  modern  town  of 
Kline  and  shown  on  Van  der  Donck's  map  as  Carenay. 

2  Dutch  word  meaning  river. 

'  J.  F.  Jameson.  Nar.  of  New  Netherland.  p.  147. 

^  Bogaert  considers  Sinnekens  (Senecas)  and  Onneyuttehage  (Oneidas)  to 
be  the  same.  Ibid.  p.  150.  Oneida  castle  was  near  Munnsville,  east  of  Oneida 
Creek.  W.  M.  Beauchamp.  Aboriginal  Occupation  oj  New  York  in  Bulletin 
of  New  York  State  Museum,  p.  86. 

^  J.  F.  Jameson.  Ibid.  p.  148. 

^Bogaert  goes  on  to  say:  'In  this  river  here  spoken  of,  often  six,  seven, 
or  eight  hundred  salmon  are  caught  in  a  single  day.'  Ibid.  p.  149.  The  plenti- 
fulness  of  fish  in  Oneida  Lake  was  noted  by  Champlain.  W.  L.  Grant.  Ibid. 
p.  290.  and  by  Bruyas.   J.  R.  LI,  p.  121. 


6o  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

Captured  by  the  Mohawks  in  1652  he  was  brought  to  their  villages. 
On  his  release  he  visited  the  towns  of  Nojottga  [Oneida],  Nontageya 
[Onondaga],  Sononteeonon  [Seneca],  and  Oiongoiconon  [Cayuga], 
and  after  wandering  through  a  labyrinth  of  lakes  and  forests  ended 
his  peregrinations  at  Fort  Orange,  but  left  no  account  from  which 
definite  information  of  his  journey  can  be  drawn. ^  Such,  in  brief, 
is  a  resume  of  the  geographical  knowledge  of  the  region  we  are 
about  to  discuss  as  it  existed  before  the  Jesuit  Fathers,  pushing 
their  canoes  up  the  St.  Lawrence  and  across  the  wide  expanse  of 
Ontario,  founded  their  missions  among  the  Iroquois,  and  drew  up 
those  fascinating  narratives  from  which  is  gathered  our  first  valu- 
able information  regarding  the  topography  of  the  Ontario  Basin. 

Before  following  the  missionaries  to  the  shores  of  Lake  Ontario 
a  few  words  should  be  said  about  the  discovery  of  Lake  George  by 
Father  Isaac  Jogues,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  of  Canadian 
missionaries,  who  founded  the  first  Jesuit  mission  among  the 
Iroquois,  only  to  be  murdered  by  these  savages  when  carrying  on 
his  evangelical  work.  In  regard  to  Lake  George  let  us  again  point 
out  that  Visscher's  map  outlines  Lake  Champlain  with  a  smaller 
lake  connected  to  its  southern  extremity  by  a  narrow  strait — a 
formation  given  by  all  Dutch  maps  which  show  the  Lake  of  the 
Iroquois.  It  is  difficult  to  decide  whether  the  cartographers  in- 
tended this  prolongation  for  an  arm  of  Lake  Champlain  or  the 
lake  'nine  or  ten  leagues  long,'  which  Champlain  mentions.  The 
Dutch,  it  is  certain,  report  no  knowledge  of  Lake  George  from 
personal  observation,  or  even  from  hearsay,  so  that  we  are  entitled 
to  a  strong  presumption,  in  the  absence  of  any  evidence  to  the 
contrary,  that  it  was  not  until  Father  Jogues  was  captured  by  the 
Mohawks  in  1642  and  brought  to  their  villages  by  the  Lake  Cham- 
plain route — the  usual  trail  of  Indian  war  parties — that  a  European 
gazed  upon  this  picturesque  body  of  water.  Father  Jogues,  though 
he  undoubtedly  passed  along  the  lake  at  this  time,  failed  to  record 
the  fact.2    Hardships  and  anxiety  for  his  companions  in  misfortune 

1  G.  D.  Scull.    P.  E.  Radisson.  pp.  64  to  79. 

^  That  Jogues  saw  Lake  Georgre  in  1642  is  universally  admitted.  Parkman. 
Jesuits  in  North  America,  pp.  217-219;  Winsor.  Cartier  to  Frontenac.  p.  160. 
However  neither  Jogues  nor  his  contemporaries  mention  the  fact.  See  the 
following  documents:  Jogues'  letter  June  30,  1643.  J.  R.  XXIV.  pp.  295-297. 
Vimont's  Relation,  1642-3.  J.  R.  XXV,  pp.  43  to  73.  Jogues'  Novum  Belqium. 
J.  R.  XXVIII,  pp.  105  to  115.  Jogues'  Notice  sur  Groupil.  J.  R.  XXVIII,  pp. 
117  to  135.  Lalemant's  Relation,  164.7.  Chaps.  4,  5,  &  6.  J.  R.  XXXI,  pp.  17 
to  93. 


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[From  the  Rtlalio>:  of  166^.65.) 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  6i 

precluded  all  ability  or  even  desire  to  notice  his  surroundings. 
Four  years  later  when  he  journeyed  to  the  Mohawks  as  a  mission- 
ary under  more  auspicious  circumstances  he  covered  the  same 
route,  and  was  careful  this  time  to  send  a  report  of  his  itinerary  to 
his  superior.  In  his  Relation  of  1645-6  Father  Lalemant  thus 
describes  the  voyage:  'They  arrived,  on  the  eve  of  the  Blessed 
Sacrament,  at  the  end  of  the  lake  which  is  joined  to  the  great  lake 
of  Champlain.  The  Iroquois  name  it  Andiatarocte,  as  if  one  should 
say,  "there  where  the  lake  is  shut  in."  The  Father  named  it  the 
Lake  of  the  Belssed  Sacrament.  ,  .  .  Six  leagues  from  this 
lake,  they  crossed  a  small  river  which  the  Iroquois  call  Oiogue;  the 
Dutch,  who  are  located  along  it,  but  lower  down,  name  it  the 
River  van  Maurice  [Hudson]."  As  evidence  of  the  value  of 
Jogues'  discovery  we  find  on  Sanson's  map  of  1656  these  lakes 
correctly  drawn  for  the  first  time,  Champlain  being  given  in  its 
true  position  with  a  small  body  of  water  labelled,  Andiataroque  L. 
(the  very  name  used  in  the  Relation  of  1645-6)  adjoining  it  on  its 
southern  side.^  Father  Jogues  continued  his  journey  to  Fort 
Orange  where  he  visited  several  towns  along  the  lower  Mohawk 
and  laid  the  foundation  of  his  mission.  He  records  his  varied  ex- 
periences with  the  Indians  in  behalf  of  the  Faith,  but  he  is  silent 
on  his  geographical  surroundings,  an  omission  that  may  be  ac- 
counted for  by  the  fact  that  he  constructed,  with  the  aid  of 
Bourdon,  a  'tolerably  accurate  map  of  these  regions'  which  he,  no 
doubt,  intended  should  convey  the  geographical  knowledge  he  had 
acquired,  instead  of  inserting  it  in  his  various  narratives.'  Un- 
fortunately this  chart  has  not  come  down  to  us,  and  we  are  unable 
to  benefit  by  the  information  it  contained.* 

At  this  point  we  wish  to  call  the  reader's  attention  to  a  map 
accompanying  Le  Mercier's  Relation  of  1664-5,  designed  for  the 
purpose  of  showing  the  location  of  three  forts  built  by  the  Carignan 
Salieres  regiment  on  the  Richelieu  River,  and  their  position  re- 
lative to  the  Iroquois  territory.  This  map,  as  we  shall  see  when  we 
come  to  study  the  discoveries  in  this  region  made  by  the  Jesuit 
Fathers,  is  based  almost  entirely  upon  the  geographical  descriptions 

^  Relation  164.5-6.  J.  R.  XXIX,  p.  49.  The  river  mentioned  is  the  Hudson ; 
it  is  described  as  small,  as  Jogues  only  saw  it  near  its  source. 

^  The  lake  is  also  shown  on  Sanson's  map  of  1650,  but  without  a  name. 
^  Jogues'  letter  to  Castillon,  Sept.  12,  1646.    J.  R.  XXVIII,  p.  137. 
■*  One  of  the  lost  maps  discussed  in  Chap.  I. 


62  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

scattered  through  the  Relations.  Its  features  are  few,  but  drawn 
with  remarkable  accuracy  when  we  consider  the  paucity  of  material 
at  the  author's  disposal.^  The  chart  shows  in  connection  with 
Jogues'  discovery  the  arm  of  Lake  Champlain,  paralleling  Lake 
George  to  the  east,  thus  establishing  clearly  the  distinction  be- 
tween the  latter  lake  and  the  southern  prolongation  of  the  former — 
an  ambiguity  that  puzzled  us  so  much  on  the  Dutch  maps.  It  also 
gives  two  rows  of  dotted  lines,  one  from  Lake  George  the  other 
from  the  southern  end  of  Lake  Champlain,  that  show  the  trails  to 
the  Iroquois  villages.  Another  sketch,  the  Great  Lakes  Map 
(1675?),  ^  production  presumably  of  Jesuit  origin,  which  we  shall 
study  later,  as  its  importance  comes  out  more  clearly  in  connection 
with  western  geography,  gives  Lake  Champlain  and  Lac  du  St. 
Sacrement,  with  the  Riviere  van  Maurice  bent  eastward  to  come 
within  the  required  six  leagues,  as  stated  in  the  Relation, 

There  were  then  two  routes  down  which  the  missionaries  travel- 
led to  the  Iroquois  country.  One  by  way  of  Lake  George,  the  other 
by  the  upper  St.  Lawrence  which  eventually  became  the  main 
thoroughfare  for  the  Jesuit  Fathers.  But  long  before  they  visited 
the  western  country  information  regarding  its  geography,  its  in- 
habitants and  the  routes  leading  to  it  had  reached  them  through 
the  Huron  tribes,  whose  constant  wars  with  the  Iroquois  Confeder- 
acy had  familiarized  them  with  the  hostile  territory.  Father 
Brebeuf  makes  mention  of  the  Iroquois  nations  as  early  as  1635,^ 
and  the  Relation  of  1640  gives  a  long  list  of  Indian  tribes  among 
whom  are  found  the  various  members  of  the  Long  House;  but  no 
exact  data  about  their  location  is  given,  save  the  general  remark 
that  they  dwell  to  the  south.  Lalemant's  Relation,  1 640-1,  after 
describing  Brebeuf 's  journey  to  the  Neutral  Country,  gives  the 
first  inkling  of  their  position.  'Others  related  that  Echon  [Brebeuf],' 
he  says  in  speaking  of  a  report  circulated  by  the  savages,  'after 
having  caused  the  death  by  disease  of  a  part  of  the  Hurons,  had 
gone  to  make  an  alliance  with  the  Sonontwehronons  [Senecas],  who 
form  one  of  the  Iroquois  nations, — the  nation  most  feared  by  the 

•  Plans  des  forts  jaicls  par  le  Regiment  Carignan  salieres  etc.  Listed  in 
Harrisse.  Ihid.  as  ^333,  p.  229.  This  map  accompanies  the  Relation  of  1664- 
5.  For  a  copy  see  p.  61.  Another  map  of  similar  character  is  one  drawn  for 
the  French  military  campaign  of  1666  against  the  Iroquois.  A  copy  may  be 
found  in  Abbe  FaiUon.  Histoire  de  la  Colonie  Frangaise  en  Canada.  1865.  Vol. 
Ill,  p.  125. 

"^  Relation,  1635.   /.  R.  VIII,  pp.  115  to  117. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  63 

Hurons  and  the  one  nearest  to  them,  as  they  are  distant  but  a 
day's  journey  from  the  last  and  easternmost  village  of  the  Neutral 
Nation,  which  is  called  Onguiaahra  [Niagara],  the  same  name  as  the 
river.'^  Fortunately  this  brief  description,  in  which  the  location 
of  but  one  tribe  is  given,  v/as  presently  amplified  by  more  copious 
data.  Father  Regueneau^  in  his  geographical  summary  of  New 
France  (1647-8),  says:  'Leaving  the  Huron  country,  and  proceed- 
ing toward  the  south,  after  a  journey  of  thirty  or  forty  leagues  we 
come  to  Lake  St.  Louys  [Ontario]  which  is  eighty  or  ninety  leagues 
in  length,  while  its  average  width  is  fifteen  or  twenty  leagues.  Its 
length  is  from  the  east  to  the  west;  its  width  from  the  south  to  the 
north.  The  discharge  of  this  Lake  Saint  Louys  forms  a  branch  of  the 
River  Saint  Lawrence,— namely  that  which  is  south  of  the  Island  of 
Mont-Real,  and  runs  past  Quebec.^  Beyond  the  Lake  Saint  Louys, 
a  short  distance  inland,  dwell  the  five  Hiroquois  Nations,  the 
enemies  of  our  Hurons,  the  situation  of  whose  country  is  almost 
parallel  to  the  length  of  that  lake.  The  nearest  to  the  Neutral 
Nation  are  the  Sonnontoueronons  [Senecas],*  seventy  leagues  from 
the  Huron  country,  following  the  south  southeast, — that  is  to  say, 
between  the  south  and  the  east,  but  more  towards  the  south. 
Below  are  the  Ouionenronnons  [Cayugas],  almost  in  a  straight  line 
about  twenty-five  leagues  from  the  Sonnontoueronnons.  Still 
further  down  are  the  Onnontaeronnons  [Onondagas],  ten  or  twelve 
leagues  from  the  Ouionenronnons;  and  the  Onneiochronnons 
[Oneidas],  seven  or  eight  leagues  from  the  Onnontaeronnons.  The 
Annieronnons  [Mohawks],  are  distant  from  the  Onneiochronnons 
twenty-five  or  thirty  leagues;  they  turn  slightly  in  an  inland  direc- 
tion and  are  farthest  East  from  the  Hurons.  It  is  they  who  are 
nearest  to  New  Holland  and  also  to  Three  Rivers.'^  As  hearsay 
this  account  is  fairly  accurate.    The  tribes  are  arranged  in  their 

'  Relation,  1640-1.   J.  R.  XXI,  pp.  208  to  210. 

"  Ragueneau,  it  will  be  remembered,  drew  a  map  showing  these  tribes. 
Relation,  1640.  J.  R.  XVIII,  p.  235.  It  is  one  of  the  lost  maps  mentioned  in 
Chap.  I. 

*  That  north  of  Mont-Real  would  be  the  Ottawa  River. 

^  The  suffix  'ronnon'  means  'men  of,'  as  for  instance  Annieronnon,  men  of 
the  tribe  of  Annie  (Mohawk).  The  Iroquois  tribes  with  their  modern  equiva- 
lents are  taken  from  W.  M.  Beauchamp.  Aboriginal  Place  Names  of  New  York 
New  York  State  Museum  Bulletin  ftioS. 

*  Ragueneau's  Relation,  1647-8.  J.  R.  XXXIII,  pp.  63  to  65.  Bressani's 
Breve  Relation  of  1653  (J.  R.  XXXVIII)  gives  substantially  the  same  informa- 
tion as  the  above  and  appears  to  have  been  drawn  largely  from  Ragueneau. 
Quotation  is,  therefore,  unnecessary. 


64  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

proper  order,  but  the  distances  cannot  be  correctly  determined  as 
the  settlements  were  scattered  over  a  considerable  area,  and  no 
fixed  points  are  taken  as  bases  of  measurement.  On  Sanson's  map 
1656,  are  four  Iroquois  tribes  incorrectly  located,  while  Creuxius 
shows  no  great  improvement,  but  when  the  missionaries  had 
gathered  further  information  from  personal  exploration  we  finally 
obtain  the  satisfactory  details  which  Le  Mercier  has  summed  up  in 
his  Relation  of  1664-5,  accompanied  by  a  map  (previously  dis- 
cussed) showing  the  Iroquois  tribes  with  commendable  accuracy. 
'It  must  be  stated,'  he  writes,  'that  the  Iroquois  are  composed  of 
five  nations,  of  which  the  nearest  to  the  Dutch  is  that  of  Anniegue 
[Mohawk],  embracing  two  or  three  villages.  .  .  .  Forty-five 
leagues  westward  is  situated  the  second  nation,  called  Onneiout 
[Oneida].     .     .     .     Fifteen  leagues  farther  westward  is  Onnon- 

tagu6  [Onondaga],  which  has  fully  three  hundred  men 

Twenty  or  thirty  leagues  thence,  still  in  a  westerly  direction,  is  the 
village  of  Oiogouen  [Cayuga]  containing  three  hundred  warriors. 
Here,  in  the  year  1657,  we  had  a  mission  which,  amid  this  bar- 
barism, formed  a  church  filled  with  piety.  Toward  the  end  of  the 
great  lake  called  Ontario  is  situated  the  most  populous  of  the  five 
Iroquois  Nations,  called  Sonnontouan  [Seneca],  and  embracing 
fully  twelve  hundred  men  in  the  two  or  three  villages  which  com- 
pose it.  .  .  .  This  entire  stretch  of  country,  to  the  distance  of 
a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  lies  partly  southward  and 
partly  westward  of  the  French  settlements.'^  A  letter  of  Septem- 
ber twenty-second,  1664,  gives  the  same  order  of  locations,  the 
distances  being  computed  by  day's  journeys;  but  unfortunately  it 
conveys  an  erroneous  impression  by  saying  that  the  tribes  'are 
all  situated  along  the  great  lake  of  the  Iroquios  called  Ontario, 
from  20  to  30  leagues  inland.^  The  foregoing  map  rectifies  this 
error.  Three  Mohawk  villages  are  placed  on  the  river  of  that  name 
near  the  Dutch  frontier,  a  trifle  too  far  north  of  Oneida  Lake 
(Lake  Techtroguen  on  the  map)  for  accuracy,  yet  complying  with 
the  current  idea,^  The  Oneidas  appear  just  south  of  the  lake  with 
their  western  neighbors,  the  Onondagas,  on  the  shores  of  Lake 

1  J.  R.  XLIX,  pp.  257-259. 

2  From  the  Relation,  1663-4.   J-  R-  XLIX,  p.  151. 

3  Although  Le  Mercier  places  the  Oneidas  west  of  the  Mohawks,  a  later 
Relation  speaks  of  them  as  being  to  the  south.   J.  R.  LII,  p.  145. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  65 

Gannentaa.^  Next  in  order  are  the  Cayugas  on  Tiobero  lac,^  then 
come  the  Senecas  at  their  western  outpost  in  the  Genesee  country. 
This  excellent  little  map  is  upheld  most  satisfactorily  by  the 
researches  of  modern  antiquarians.  Its  topographical  features  are 
few,  and  are  confined  substantially  to  information  culled  from  the 
Relations.^  Later  reports  disclose  nothing  new  regarding  the 
Iroquois  villages;  the  same  order  is  always  maintained,  though  the 
distances,  for  obvious  reasons,  vary.^  The  emphasis  placed  in  the 
Relations  on  information  regarding  the  tribes  and  inhabitants  of 
this  region,  as  well  as  those  of  other  localities,  is  considerable  when 
compared  to  the  attention  paid  to  geography.  This  is  true,  not  only 
of  those  reports  written  before  the  days  of  actualJesuit exploration, 
but  afterwards  as  well;  yet  only  after  the  Fathers  had  visited  the 
Iroquois  country  in  person  do  we  find  any  serious  attempt  to  gather 
a  knowledge  of  the  physical  features  necessary  to  cartographers. 

Several  years  after  Father  Jogues'  death  among  the  Iroquois 
Father  Poncet  made  an  unwilling  excursion  to  their  territory. 
Antoine  Poncet  had  been  an  instructor  at  the  College  of  Orleans  in 
France.  He  came  to  Canada  in  1639,  and,  like  so  many  new  comers, 
served  his  apprenticeship  in  Huronia,  where  he  remained  until  re- 
called and  put  in  charge  of  the  Montreal  parish.  While  thus  oc- 
cupied he  was  captured  and  brought  to  the  Iroquois  villages. 
Returning  thence  to  Quebec  his  course  from  the  Mohawk  Valley 
lay  through  unfamiliar  territory,  along  the  trail  by  which  the 
savages  invaded  Canada  when  they  desired  to  take  the  Canadians 

1  Onondaga  Lake. 

2  Cayuga  Lake. 

'  Compare  the  locations  of  tribes  on  this  map  with  those  given  by  J.  S. 
Clark  on  his  map,  Iroquois  Five  Nations  and  Mission  Sites,  1654-1684-  For 
copy  see  Winsor.    Nar.  &  Crit.  Hist.  Vol.  IV,  p.  293. 

*  A  comparison  of  the  distances  in  the  various  narratives  with  the  results 
of  modern  research  may  be  of  interest.  _ 

Relations.  1647-8 

leagues 
Mohawks  to  Oneidas        25-30 
Oneidas  to  Onondagas       7-8 
Onondagas  to  Cayugas     10-12 
Cayugas  to  Senecas  25 

The  league  is  equal  to  2.76  miles.  Clark's  map  does  not  extend  far  enough 
eastward  to  show  the  location  of  the  Mohawks.  Their  whereabouts  are  taken 
from  other  sources.  Wentworth  Greenhalgh's  report  in  1677  gives  a  fairly 
detailed  account  of  the  villages  and  their  population.  The  distances  between 
them,  and  their  locations,  are  practically  the  same  as  those  given  in  the  Re- 
lations.   Docs.  Col.  Hist.  N.  Y.  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  250  and  252. 


1663-4 

1664-5 

1668-9 

Clark' 

days' 

map 

journeys 

leagues 

leagues 

miles. 

2 

45 

30 

70 

— 

15 

— 

30 

3 

25-30 

20 

30-35 

3 

— 

— 

40-45 

66  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

by  surprise.  Though  Poncet's  voyage  is  the  first  one  recorded  along 
the  upper  St.  Lawrence,  the  author  is  silent  as  to  the  topography  of 
that  river.^  The  Father  was  taken  by  the  Indians  near  Sillery^  in 
August,  1653,^  and  coQveyed  by  his  captors  along  the  now  familiar 
trail,  up  the  Richelieu  River  and  Lake  Champlain,  to  the  Mohawk 
towns.  After  a  short  sojourn  there  he  was  released;  but  owing  to 
the  lateness  of  the  session  it  was  deemed  inadvisable  to  send  him 
back  over  this  route.  'I  was  taken  by  way  of  the  River  of  the 
Iroquois^  and  Lake  Champlain,'  he  says,  'and  then  proceeded,  for 
two  days  only,  by  land ;  and  I  returned  by  another  way,  so  that  I 
passed  over  the  two  routes  taken  by  their  [Iroquois]  armies  and 
warriors  when  they  come  to  seek  us.'^  Then  describing  his  return 
passage  he  writes:  'I  was  told  that  the  Captain  who  had  escorted 
me  to  the  Dutch  settlement  would  be  my  conductor  to  the  country 
of  the  French, — not  by  water,  because  of  the  storms  which  ordin- 
arily prevail  at  this  season  upon  Lake  Champlain,  over  which  we 
must  have  passed;  but  by  another  route,  which  was  very  fatiguing 
to  me,  as  we  had  to  proceed  on  foot  through  those  great  forests  for 
seven  or  eight  days,  and  I  had  neither  strength  nor  legs  for  so 
great  an  undertaking.  At  the  end  of  these  eight  days  is  found  a 
river  upon  which  we  proceed  by  boat  for  about  two  days,  and  then 
we  come  to  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence,  into  which  the  first 
empties  its  waters,  sixty  leagues  or  thereabout  above  the  Island  of 
Montreal,  and  not  far  from  the  lake  called  Ontario.  .  .  .  We 
started  upon  a  Friday,  the  third  of  October;  and  we  arrived  at  the 
first  river  that  I  mentioned  above  on  Saturday,  the  eleventh  of 
the  month.  ,  .  .  The  rains,  and  the  mountains  and  valleys; 
the  mountain-streams  and  brooks,  and  four  rivers  of  considerable 
size  which  we  had  to  cross  by  fording,  wetting  ourselves  thereby 
up  to  the  waist ;  another  large  one,  that  had  to  be  crossed  on  rafts, 
insecure  and  badly  put  together,  ...  all  these  things,  I  say, 
formed  a  Cross  for  me  that  was  so  formidable  and  unceasing  that  it 
seems  to  me  a  perpetual  miracle  that  I  was  able  to  bear  it,  suffering, 

1  No  doubt  Europeans  had  reached  Lake  Ontario  before  this  by  ascending 
the  St.  Lawrence  as  was  hinted  in  Bogaert's  narrative,  but  no  record  of  their 
explorations  can  be  found. 

^  A  mission  situated  near  Quebec. 

^Journal  des  Peres  Jesuites.   J.  R.  XXXVIII,  p.  191. 

*  Richeheu  River. 

5  Relation,  1652-3.   J.  R.  XL,  p.  155. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  67 

as  I  was,  such  intense  pain  and  such  extreme  weakness.'^  The 
general  course  is  not  difficult  to  follow.  Poncet  left  the  Mohawk 
Valley  and  journeyed  in  a  northerly  direction — probably  up  the 
West  Canada  Creek^ — crossing  innumerable  streams  and  plunging 
through  the  primeval  forests  of  the  Adirondacks,  until  he  reached 
the  shores  of  Cranberry  Lake  in  St.  Lawrence  County.  Here  he 
embarked  on  the  Oswegatchie  River  which  brought  him  after  a 
long  and  tortuous  course  to  the  St.  Lawrence  at  the  site  of  the 
modern  city  of  Ogdensburg.^  The  junction  of  these  two  rivers 
takes  place  at  a  spot  about  sixty  leagues  from  Montreal,  and  within 
twenty  miles  of  Chippewa  Bay,  an  indentation  in  the  southern 
shore  of  the  river  which  in  those  days  marked  the  eastern  extremity 
of  Lake  Ontario.'*  The  Oswegatchie  River  is  plainly  drawn  on  the 
map  of  1664-5,  where  it  is  shown  without  a  name,  but  bearing  the 
designation:  R.  qui  vient  du  coste  df  Agnie}  We  meet  it  again  as 
the  Seegarsi^  on  the  Great  Lakes  map,  and  the  Sarrigetsi  on 
Franquelin's  chart  of  1684.'' 

Having  disposed  of  Father  Poncet's  account  we  can  now  turn 
to  those  records  that  give  detailed  information  of  the  upper  St. 
Lawrence.  At  the  beginning  of  the  second  half  of  the  seventeenth 
century  peace  reigned  between  the  French  and  Iroquois.  The 
Onondagas,  influenced  by  their  Huron  slaves,  invited  the  Jesuits 
to  plant  a  colony  in  their  midst,  and  bring  them  tidings  of  the 
Faith,  an  opportunity  which,  fraught  though  it  was  with  dangers, 
was  eagerly  seized  by  the  Fathers ;  and  now  after  years  of  hostility, 
the  St.  Lawrence  River  became,  for  a  time  at  least,  the  French 
highway  to  the  west.  In  descending  the  St.  Lawrence  Father 
Poncet  failed  to  record  its  topography,  but  fortunately  the  follow- 
ing year  (1654)  a  missionary.  Father  Le  Moyne,  who  had  been 

^  Ibid.  pp.  147  to  151. 

^  T.  J.  Campbell.  Pioneer  Priests  of  North  America.  1642-1710,  states  that 
Poncet's  route  lay  up  the  Mohawk  River  and  West  Canada  Creek,  but  traces 
it  no  farther,  save  to  say  that  he  reached  the  St.  Lawrence  near  Ogdensburg. 
Vol.  I,  p.  80.    This  would  seem  the  logical  route. 

3  The  claim  advanced  by  Winsor,  C artier  to  Frontenac,  that  Poncet  went  up 
the  Mohawk,  over  to  Lake  Ontario,  then  along  its  shores  and  down  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  that  he  was  the  first  white  man  to  see  the  Thousand  Islands, 
cannot  be  substantiated  by  Poncet's  narrative,  p.  175. 

*  This  conception  of  Ontario  will  be  discussed  later. 

*  River  that  comes  from  the  direction  of  the  Mohawks. 

*  A  variant  of  Oswegatchie. 

'  Carte  de  la  Louisane  ou  des  Voyages  du  Sr.  de  la  Salle  etc.  1684.  Harrisse. 
Ibid.  ^222,  p.  201. 


68  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

dispatched  to  the  Iroquois,  brought  back  a  satisfactory  report. 
This  is  the  first  of  a  series  of  detailed  accounts  of  the  upper  St. 
Lawrence  and  eastern  Lake  Ontario  written  by  persons  who  visited 
these  regions.  Simon  Le  Moyne  was  born  in  1604  and  entered  the 
Jesuit  novitiate  at  the  age  of  eighteen.  In  1638  he  came  to 
Canada,  being  assigned  to  the  mission  of  St.  Jean  among  the 
Hurons,  and  now  he  was  starting  upon  the  work  among  the 
Iroquois  that  was  to  occupy  the  next  ten  years  of  his  Hfe.  'On 
the  17th  day  of  July,  St.  Alexis's  day,'  he  tells  us,  speaking  of  his 
voyage  of  1654,  'we  set  out  from  home,^  ,  .  .  toward  a  land 
unknown  to  us.  On  the  1 8th,  following  constantly  the  course  of 
the  River  Saint  Lawrence,  we  encounter  nothing  but  breakers  and 
impetuous  floods  thickly  strewn  with  rocks  and  shoals.  The  19th, 
The  river  continues  to  increase  in  width  and  forms  a  lake,  pleasant 
to  the  sight,  and  eight  or  ten  leagues  in  length.^  .  .  .  We  see 
nothing  but  islands,  of  the  most  beautiful  appearance  in  the  world, 
intercepting  here  and  there  the  course  of  this  very  peaceful  river. 
.  .  .  Toward  the  rising  sun  is  a  chain  of  high  mountains  which 
we  named  after  Saint  Margaret.  .  .  .  The  rapids,  which  for  a 
time  are  not  navigable,  compel  us  to  shoulder  our  little  baggage 
and  the  canoe  that  bore  us.  .  .  .  The  river  is  becoming  so 
extremely  rapid  that  we  are  compelled  to  leap  in  the  water  and 
drag  our  canoe  after  us  among  the  rocks,  like  a  horseman  who 
alights  and  leads  his  horse  by  the  bridle.  In  the  evening  we  arrive 
at  the  mouth  of  Lake  Saint  Ignace,^  where  eels  abound  in  prodig- 
ious numbers.  .  .  .  We  coast  along  the  shores  of  the  lake, 
everywhere  confronted  by  towering  rocks,  now  appalling,  and  now 
pleasing  to  the  eye.'*  Thus  in  a  general  way  Le  Moyne  corro- 
borates Champlain,  giving  a  good  description  of  the  river,  such  as 
would  be  expected  from  one  who  was  not  charged  with  the  duty  of 
making  an  accurate  report.  Lake  St.  Ignace,  the  principal  feature 
below  the  Thousand  Islands,  makes  it  firsts  appearance  on  Sanson's 
map  (1656)  as  Lake  Naroua  shortly  after  its  first  detailed  descrip- 
tion by  Le  Moyne.  No  connection  between  the  map  and  the 
narrative  can,  of  course,  be  shown,  especially  as  such  a  short  space 

1  Montreal. 

2  Lake  St.  Louis  at  Montreal. 

3  Now  Lake  St.  Francis. 

*  Relation,  1653-4.   J-  R-  XLI,  pp.  91-95. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  69 

of  time  intervened  between  the  two,  but  there  is  a  possibiHty  that 
Sanson  learned  of  the  lake  from  Le  Moyne's  story. 

The  geographical  contributions  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  may, 
perhaps,  be  seen  in  the  misconception  as  to  the  dividing  line  be- 
tween Lake  Ontario  and  the  St.  Lawrence  River.  As  this  miscon- 
ception appeared  on  several  subsequent  maps  it  tends  to  show  the 
strong  probability  that  much  information  of  a  geographical  nature 
was  derived  from  Jesuit  sources.  We  have  stated  in  our  discussion 
of  Poncet's  jouraey  that,  according  to  current  opinion,  the  out- 
let of  Lake  Ontario  was  near  the  Oswegatchie,  that  is  below,  in- 
stead of  above  the  Thousand  Islands.  This  idea  of  Lake  Ontario 
was  natural  enough,  for  a  traveller  ascending  the  St.  Lawrence 
meets  with  a  comparatively  narrow  stream  from  Lake  St.  Francis 
to  Chippewa  Bay,  where  the  river  suddenly  broadens  to  embrace 
the  Thousand  Islands.  As  one  passes  through  this  archipelago  the 
river  becomes  gradually  wider  until  it  is  difficult  to  determine  at 
what  point  the  lake  begins.  Modern  surveys,  however,  teach  us 
that  the  lake  proper  commences  roughly  at  a  line  drawn  between 
Cape  Vincent  and  Kingston;  here  the  southern  shore,  which  has 
been  sloping  in  a  southwesterly  direction,  suddenly  drops  to  the 
southward,  exposing  the  vast  sweep  of  Lake  Ontario.^  Champlain 
gave  us  a  hint  of  the  seventeenth  century  conception  when  he 
mentioned  the  'lake  some  eighty  leagues  long,  with  a  great  many 
islands,'  thus  showing  that  the  Thousand  Islands  were  considered 
by  the  Indians  as  lying  in  Lake  Ontario  and  not  in  the  St.  Lawrence. 
The  idea  was  elaborated  by  Father  Le  Moyne  who  after  passing 
Lake  St.  Ignace  continued  up  the  river.  He  says:  'On  the  29th 
and  30th  of  July,  the  wind-storm  continues,  and  checks  our  pro- 
gress at  the  mouth  of  a  great  lake  called  Ontario.  .  .  .  This 
lake  is  twenty  leagues  in  width,  and  about  forty  in  length.  On  the 
3  ist,  the  day  of  Saint  Ignatius,  we  are  obliged  by  the  rain  and  wind 
to  penetrate  through  pathless  wastes, — crossing  long  islands,  and 

1  The  dimensions  of  Lake  Ontario  are  here  given  from  various  sources  in 
terms  of  leagues. 

Relation,  1647-8        80  or  90  by  15  or  20  J.  R.  XXXIII,  p.  63. 
Relation,  1653-4  40  by       20        Ibid.  XLI,  p.  95. 

Relation,  1664-5         100  by  30  or  40  Ibid.  XLIX,  p.  265. 

Champlain  80  by       25         W.  L.  Grant.    Ibid.     p.  290. 

Remy  de  Courcelles  1 20  by       30         Margry /bid.  Vol.  I,  p.  170. 

N.  B.  The  dimensions  given  by  Champlain  are  those  recorded  by  him 
after  crossing  the  lake.  They  differ  from  those  he  had  previously  obtained 
from  the  Indians.    Acutal  dimensions  of  Ontario  are  about  64  by  18  leagues. 


70  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

shouldering  our  baggage,  our  provisions,  and  the  canoe. '^  The 
following  year  Father  Dablon  strengthened  this  opinion  by  his 
own  observations.  Early  on  the  24th  [October,  1655],'  he  says, 
'we  reached  Lake  Ontario.  .  .  .  Furious  rapids  must  be 
passed,  which  serve  as  the  outlet  of  the  lake;  then  one  enters  a 
beautiful  sheet  of  water,  sown  with  various  islands  distant  hardly  a 
quarter  of  a  league  from  one  another. '^  As  there  are  no  rapids  at 
the  outlet  of  Lake  Ontario  the  locality  referred  to  must  be  below 
the  Thousand  Islands  where  the  cataracts  begin.  Dablon  con- 
tinues: 'On  the  25th,  we  advanced  8  leagues  up  the  lake's  mouth, 
which  is  barely  three-quarters  of  a  league  wide.  We  entered  the 
lake  itself  on  the  26th,  proceeding  seven  or  eight  leagues.  Such  a 
scene  of  awe-inspiring  beauty  I  have  never  beheld, — nothing  but 
islands  and  huge  masses  of  rock,  as  large  as  cities,  all  covered  with 
cedars  and  firs.  ...  On  the  27th,  we  proceeded  12  good 
leagues  through  a  multitude  of  islands,  large  and  small,  after  which 
we  saw  nothing  but  water  on  all  sides. '^  Father  Le  Mercier  des- 
cribes the  situation  very  clearly,  but,  strange  to  say,  the  map 
accompanying  his  Relation  is  more  in  keeping  with  the  modern 
than  with  the  seventeenth  century  idea.  Speaking  of  the  route  up 
the  St.  Lawrence,  he  says:  'But  on  gaining  the  mouth  of  the  great 
lake,  the  navigation  is  easy,  the  water  being  calm  there,  and 
broadening  out, — at  first  imperceptibly,  then  becoming  about  a 
third  wider,  afterward  more  than  a  half,  and  finally  stretching 
away  farther  than  the  eye  can  reach.  This  is  especially  so  after  one 
has  passed  countless  small  islands  lying  at  the  entrance  to  the 
lake,  in  such  great  numbers  and  variety  that  the  most  experienced 
Iroquois  pilots  sometimes  lose  their  way  among  them.'*  Such 
evidence  is  conclusive ;  and  now  turning  to  the  Great  Lakes  map  we 
find  this  conception  well  illustrated.  Here  Ontario  is  shown  as 
narrowing  until  east  of  the  Thousand  Islands,  and  beneath  this 
stretch  is  the  legend :  'Les  plus  grands  hastiments  peuvent  naviguer 
d'icy  au  hout  du  lac  frontenacj^  Joliet's  smaller  map  of  1674  shows 
this  formation  to  an  even  more  marked  degree,  the  lake  narrowing 

1  Relation,  1653-4.   J.  R.  XLI,  p.  95. 

2  Relation,  1655-6.   /.  R.  XLII,  p.  69. 

3  Relation,  1655-6.   J.  R.  XLII,  p.  71. 

*  Relation,  1664-6.   J.  R.  XLIX,  p.  263. 

^  The  largest  vessels  can  navigate  from  here  to  the  end  of  Lake  Frontenac 
(Ontario). 


Easteen  Great  Lakes  71 

very  gradually  without  any  sharp  break  to  denote  the  modern  line 
of  demarcation.'^  To  a  lesser  extent  is  this  feature  reproduced  on 
the  Gallinee  map,  1670,  and  on  that  of  Coronelli,  1688.2  Other 
maps  are  generally  drawn  on  too  small  a  scale  to  give  much  atten- 
tion to  this  detail.^ 

As  it  is  to  Father  Le  Moyne  that  we  owe  our  first  knowledge  of 
the  route  up  the  Oswego  River  to  central  New  York,  let  us  return 
to  him  where  we  left  him  stranded  at  the  entrance  to  Lake  Ontario. 
'The  second  day  of  August,'  runs  his  diary,  'We  walk  about  twelve 
or  fifteen  leagues  through  the  woods,  and  camp  where  night  over- 
takes us.  On  the  3rd,  toward  noon,  we  found  ourselves  on  the 
banks  of  a  river,  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  twenty  paces  in 
width,  on  the  other  side  of  which  there  was  a  fishing  hamlet.'^ 
Crossing  this  river,  the  Salmon,  he  marched  to  the  chief  village, 
Onnontage,^  south  of  Oneida  Lake  on  Indian  Hill,  about  two  miles 
from  the  present  town  of  Manlius.^  Le  Moyne  remained  among 
the  Onondagas  but  a  few  days.  On  his  return  journey  he  writes: 
'The  1 6th.  We  arrive  at  the  entrance  to  a  little  lake'^  in  a  great 
basin  that  is  half  dried  up,  and  taste  the  water  from  a  spring  of 
which  these  people  dare  not  drink.  ,  .  .  Upon  tasting  of  it,  I 
find  it  to  be  a  spring  of  salt  water;  and  indeed  we  made  salt  from  it, 
as  natural  as  that  which  comes  from  the  sea,  and  are  carrying  a 
sample  of  it  to  Quebec.^  This  lake  is  very  rich  in  salmon-trout  and 
other  fish.  The  17th.  We  enter  their  [Onondagas]  river,  and,  a 
quarter  of  a  league  from  there,  on  the  left,  we  come  to  that  of 
Sonnontouan  [the  Seneca]  which  swells  the  current  of  the  former 
and  leads,  they  say,  to  Onioen  [Cayuga  country]  and  to  Sonnon- 
touan [Seneca  country]  in  two  days'  journey.  Proceeding  three 
leagues  from  that  point,  by  a  very  easy  route,  we  leave  on  the  right 
hand  the  River  Oneiout  [Oneida],  which  appears  very  deep  to  us. 

^  Carte  de  la  Decouverie  du  Sr.  Jolliet.    Harrisse.   Ihid.  It204,  p.  194. 

"^  Partie  Occidentale  du  Canada  ou  de  la.  Noiivelle  France  par  le  P.  Coronelli, 
1688.    Harrisse.  Ihid.  |t359,  P-  235. 

^  According  to  W.  M.  Beauchamp  the  belief  that  Lake  Ontario  began  at 
Chippewa  Bay  was  generally  accepted  in  early  times.  History  oj  the  Neiv 
York  Iroquois,  p.  201. 

*  Relation,  1653-4.     J-  R-  XLI,  p.  97. 

*  Ibid.  p.  99. 

^  Beauchamp's  note  in  /.  R.  LI,  p.  294.  ^f  17. 

^  Lake  Onondaga. 

'  The  famous  salt  deposits  at  Lake  Onondaga. 


72  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

.  .  .  The  igth.  We  push  forward  down  the  same  river,^  which 
is  of  a  jBne  width  and  deep  throughout,  with  the  exception  of  some 
shoals  where  we  must  step  into  the  water  and  drag  the  canoe  after 
us,  lest  the  rocks  break  it.  The  20th.  We  arrive  at  the  great 
Lake  Ontario,  called  the  lake  of  the  Iroquois. '^  The  route  des- 
cribed presents  no  difficulties.  Leaving  the  Indian  village  Le  Moyne 
struck  overland  to  Lake  Onondaga  where  he  discovered  the  famous 
salt  deposits;  thence  he  entered  the  little  stream  that  drains  this 
lake  into  the  Seneca  River,  which  he  descended  to  Lake  Ontario, 
noting  the  Oneida  River,  M/here  it  unites  with  the  Seneca  to  form 
the  Oswego.  Arriving  at  Lake  Ontario  he  turned  his  canoe  east- 
ward and  coasted  the  shore  until,  as  he  tells  us,  'We  arrive  at  the 
spot  which  is  to  become  our  dwelling-place  and  the  site  of  a  French 
settlement.  There  are  beautiful  prairies  here  and  good  fishing;  it 
is  a  resort  for  all  nations.  ...  On  the  24th  and  25th  we  were 
detained  by  the  wind.  On  the  26th,  our  boatmen  having  embarked 
before  the  storm  had  subsided,  one  of  our  canoes  spra,ng  a  leak, 
and  we  narrowly  escaped  drowning;  but  at  last  we  took  refuge  on  an 
island,  where  we  dried  ourselves  at  our  leisure.'^  The  narrative 
contains  no  further  notes  of  geographical  interest,  and  closes  with 
a  statement  that  the  travellers  proceeded  overland  'across  vast 
prairies,'  finally  regaining  the  St.  Lawrence  and  reaching  Quebec 
on  September  eleventh.^  Le  Moyne  was  the  first  European  to 
traverse  in  their  full  length  from  Montreal  to  Lake  Ontario  the 
upper  reaches  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  to  gaze  upon  the  unique 
beauty  of  the  Thousand  Islands,  He  discovered  the  salt  deposits  at 
Onondaga  Lake  and  opened  the  western  route  to  the  Iroquois  by 
Lake  Ontario  and  the  Oswego  River.  His  itinerary  presents  no 
difficulties;  the  narrative  is  lucid  and  easy  to  follow.  But  we  shall 
postpone  discussion  of  its  connection  with  cartography  until  we 
have  examined  an  expedition  that  took  place  the  following  year 
under  Fathers  Dablon  and  Chaumonot. 

^  Oswego  River. 

2  Relation,  1653-4.   /.  R.  XLI,  pp.  123-125. 

^  Ibid.  p.  127. 

*  Ibid.  p.  129.  The  claim  is  made  by  certain  writers  of  repute  that  Le 
Moyne  reached  Onnontage  by  the  Ontario-Oswego  route.  J.  G.  Shea  in 
Winsor.  Nar.  &  Crit.  Hist.  Vol.  IV,  p.  280;  and  Winsor.  C artier  to  Frontenac, 
p.  175.  This  claim  is  unfounded  as  Le  Moyne  discovered  this  route  on  his 
return,  not  on  his  outward,  voyage.  Thwaites  follows  the  narrative  in  des- 
cribing the  journey.   J.  R.  XLI,  note  #6. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  73 

The  work  of  Le  Moyne  was  supplemented  by  Dablon  and 
Chaumonot  when  they  made  their  expedition  to  the  Iroquois,  and 
it  is  to  them  we  must  look  for  further  information  regarding  central 
New  York.  They  left  Montreal  on  October  7,1655,  Claude  Dablon 
was  one  of  the  leading  members  of  the  Jesuit  Order  in  Canada. 
Born  in  16 18  or  16 19  he  came  to  Canada  in  1655,  and  was  im- 
mediately sent  to  the  Onondaga  mission,  so  that  the  present  re- 
port may  be  considered  as  the  result  of  his  maiden  voyage.  That 
he  was  an  able  man  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  he  was  subsequently 
appointed  superior  of  the  Canadian  missions  and  rector  of  the 
college  at  Quebec,  from  which  posts  of  vantage  he  was  able  to 
gain  an  excellent  knowledge  of  the  field  as  a  whole.  A  few  years 
after  his  work  among  the  Iroquois  he  undertook  an  expedition  with 
Druillettes  to  discover  the  overland  route  from  Lake  St.  John  to 
Hudson  Bay,  and  he  did  succeed  in  reaching  a  point  half-way 
between  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  northern  waters,  where  we  shall 
have  occasion  to  meet  him  in  another  chapter.  As  we  have  al- 
ready quoted  from  Dablon's  journal  regarding  the  entrance  to  the 
Thousand  Islands,  repetition  of  that  part  of  his  journey  is  unneces- 
sary here,  so  we  shall  take  up  the  thread  of  the  narrative  as  the 
Fathers  enter  Lake  Ontario.  'Toward  9  o'clock  on  the  morning  of 
the  29th,'  runs  the  story,  'we  arrived  at  Otihatangue,^  ...  a 
river  emptying  into  Lake  Ontario,  narrow  at  its  mouth  but  very 
wide,  as  a  rule,  for  the  rest  of  its  course. '^  This  river  is  described  as 
containing  a  great  supply  of  fish,  especially  the  salmon,  which 
furnishes  food  for  the  village  of  Onontae.^  From  there  they  went 
to  'Tethirogeun,  a  river  which  has  its  source  in  the  lake  called 
Goienho.^  Oneiout,  a  village  of  one  of  the  upper  Iroquois  Nations, 
is  at  the  head  of  this  lake,  which,  narrowing,  becomes  the  river 
Tethiroguen.'^  The  return  journey  from  Oneida  Lake  began 
March  2,  1656,  and  owing  to  the  season  presented  many  obstacles 
not  encountered  on  the  outward  voyage.  The  travellers  crossed 
the  lake  on  the  ice  and  went  overland  until  they  reached  Oeiaton- 
nehengue^  whence  they  pushed  along  the  shore  of  Ontario,  huge 
masses  of  ice  and  snow  rendering  the  lake  inaccessible.    'We  pro- 

1  Salmon  River. 

*  Relation,  1655-6.   J.  R.  XLII,  p.  71. 
^Ibid. 

*  Tethiroguen  is  the  Oneida  River;  Goienho,  Oneida  Lake. 
^Ibid.  pp.  81. 

*  Otihatangu^. 


74  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

ceeded  over  a  frozen  pond/  says  the  narrator,  .  ,  .  'At 
length,  we  reached  a  fine  sandy  beach  on  the  great  lake,  but  were 
stopped  by  a  deep  river,  the  ice  on  which  was  too  weak  to  bear  us. 
.  .  .  The  result  was,  that  we  retraced  a  part  of  our  steps, 
seeking  a  suitable  place  for  passing  the  night.  .  .  .  The  next 
day,  we  ascended  a  league  above  the  mouth  of  the  river  which  had 
stopped  us,  and  there  found  it  frozen  firmly  for  enough  crossing. 
.  .  .  On  the  eleventh,  we  walked  nearly  all  day  over  the  frozen 
surface  of  the  great  lake,  but  with  our  feet  constantly  in  the  water. 
.  .  .  Yet,  we  were  not  deterred  from  going  out  two  or  three 
leagues  from  land,  to  find  a  shorter  route  than  that  along  the  shore 
of  the  lake.'^  After  several  days  of  such  experiences  they  encamped 
on  a  rock  opposite  Otondiata — now  Grenadier  Island — near  the 
mouth  of  the  Oswagatchie.^ 

The  geographical  information  embodied  in  these  narratives  is 
well  illustrated  on  contemporary  maps,  though  modern  authorities 
are  inclined  to  differ  regarding  minor  details  in  identifying  the 
various  places  mentioned.  The  spot  which  Le  Moyne  describes  as 
the  'future  dwelling  place  and  site  of  a  French  settlement,'  has  not 
yet  been  definitely  determined.  A  prominent  antiquarian  identi- 
fies it  with  the  Otihatangue  (Salmon  River)  of  Dablon  and  Chau- 
monot,  and  states  that  it  was  later  known  as  Cahihonouage.^ 
This  is  hardly  satisfactory,  for  Le  Moyne,  in  telling  of  his  ex- 
periences there,  says  that  his  canoe  sprang  a  leak  when  leaving  the 
harbor,  compelling  the  party  to  land  on  a  neighboring  island. 
There  are  no  islands  at  the  mouth  of  the  Salmon  River,  while 
there  are  several  at  Sacket's  Harbor,  a  few  miles  to  the  north,  both 
in  Henderson  Bay  and  in  Black  River  Bay  (sub-divisions  of  the 
harbor)  that  would  answer  the  purpose.  Moreover,  Le  Moyne  does 
not  speak  of  his  landing-place  as  a  river's  mouth,  as  he  probably 
would  have  bad  he  been  referring  to  the  Salmon  River,  nor  does  he 
give  any  indication  of  the  peculiar  formation,  i.  e.  narrow  at  the 
mouth  and  wide  above,  that  Dablon  noticed  the  following  year  when 

1  Relation,  1655-6.   J.  R.  XLII,  pp.  207-209. 

-  This  is  the  Grenadier  Island  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  Thousands  and  must 
not  be  confused  with  the  Grenadier  Island  at  Cape  Vincent.  W.  M.  Beauchamp 
Aboriginal  Place  Names  of  New  York,  p.  193. 

'  J.  S.  Clark  believes  that  this  place  was  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Salmon 
Creek  at  the  present  site  of  Fort  Ontario,  about  a  mile  from  the  lake.  Charles 
Hawley.  Early  Chapters  of  Cayuga  History,  pp.  17  &  18,  footnote.  ThAvaites 
places  it  either  at  the  Salmon  or  Sacket's  Harbor. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  75 

he  reached  Otihatangue.  Hence  the  site  of  the  French  settlement  is 
probably  Sacket's  Harbor.  The  map  of  1664-5  marks  an  indenta- 
tion in  the  shoreline  as  Otiatanneheguen  at  the  proper  location  for 
the  Salmon  River,  but  does  not  attempt  to  trace  the  stream  to  its 
source.^  The  Great  Lakes  map,  previously  mentioned  shows  a 
little  river  in  the  proper  location  for  the  Salmon  with  the  words: 
' Chaihonouaghe  lieu  ou  la  pluspart  des  Iroquois  et  des  loups  debar qu- 
ent  pour  aller  en  traitte  du  castor  a  la  Nouvelle  York  par  les  chemins 
marques  de  double  rangs  de  points.'^  From  the  river's  mouth  are 
shown  the  dotted  lines  leading  southward.  The  Black  River  is 
not  mentioned  in  the  Relations,  either  by  an  Indian  or  by  its 
English  name;  but  the  river  that  Dablon  speaks  of  as  having  been 
obliged  to  ascend  in  order  to  cross,  is  probably  the  one  shown  on 
the  map  of  1664-5  ^^  the  'R.  qui  vient  du  coste  d'agnie,'^  and  cor- 
rectly located  for  the  Black  River.  Care  must  b'^  taken  not  to 
confuse  this  stream  with  the  Oswegatchie  which  bears  the  same 
inscription. 

Knowledge  of  the  Finger  Lakes  region  and  western  New  York 
was  not  gathered  with  any  degree  of  rapidity,  nor  do  we  find  ac- 
curate representations  on  early  charts.  The  maps  of  Franquelin 
and  Raffeix,  1688,  were  the  earliest  attempts  at  exactness.*  Al- 
though Fathers  Menard  and  Chaumonot  who  came  to  central  New 
York  in  1656  left  for  the  west  almost  immediately  after  their 
arrival  at  Lake  Onondaga,  they  recorded  almost  nothing  regarding 
the  topography  of  that  interesting  territory.  Probably  very  few 
Europeans  penetrated  to  the  western  part  of  New  York  State,  for 
as  late  as  1669  Father  Fremin  wrote:  'As  for  the  Onnontioga,  Tson- 
nontouens,  and  Neutrals,^  as  they  have  scarcely  seen  any  Euro- 

*  Otihatangue  and  Otiatanneheguen  are  variants  of  the  same  name. 

^  Chaihonouaghe,  place  where  most  of  the  Iroquois  and  the  wolves  disem- 
bark to  go  and  trade  in  beavers  at  New  York  by  the  trails  marked  by  double 
rows  of  dots.  Great  Lakes  map  is  #3  in  the  Parkman  Collection  at  Harvard 
University.    It  is  listed  in  Harrisse,  Ibid.  #205. 

^  River  which  coines  from  the  direction  of  Agnie  (Mohawk). 

'  Carte  de  V  Amerique  Septentrionalle  by  Franquelin,  1688.  Copy  in  the  Kohl 
Collection  in  Lib.  of  Cong.  Harrisse.  Ibid.  #234,  p.  207.  Raffeix,  Le  Lac 
Ontario  auec  les  Lieux  Circonuoisins  et  Particulieremerit  les  Cinq  Nations 
Iroquoises.   Copy  in  Kohl  Collection.    Harrisse,  Ibid.  +t237,  p.  208. 

^  There  were  Neutrals  living  in  this  region.  Fremin  says  of  the  town  of 
Gandougare:  'This  village  is  composed  of  the  remnants  of  three  different  na- 
tions which  were  formerly  overthrown  by  the  Iroquois,  obliged  to  surrender  at 
the  discretion  of  the  conqueror,  and  to  come  and  settle  in  his  country.  The 
first  nation  is  called  Onnontioga,  the  second  the  Neutrals,  and  the  third  the 
Hurons.'    Relation,  1669-70.   /.  R.  LIV,  p.  81. 


76  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

peans,  and  have  never  heard  of  the  Faith,  there  is  work  to  engage 
all  the  zeal  of  a  missionary,  who  will  have  no  little  difficulty  in 
clearing  and  tilling  a  field  that  the  Demon  has  occupied  for  so 
many  centuries.'^  Shortly  after  writing  his  discouraging  letter 
about  the  spiritual  condition  of  the  western  Indians,  the  Father 
reports  in  a  more  encouraging  vein,  and  sends  to  his  superior  an 
account  of  the  Iroquois  missions  among  which  he  mentions  those  in 
western  New  York.  He  describes  seven  missions:  The  mission  of 
the  Martyrs  at  Annie;  St.  Francis  Xavier  among  the  Onneiout;  St. 
Jean  Baptiste  at  Onnontague;  St.  Joseph  at  Goiogouen;  and  the 
three  missions  with  the  Sonnontouan — La  Conception,  Saint 
Michel  and  Saint  Jacques.^  He  also  includes  in  his  report  a  letter 
from  Father  Raffeix  outlining  the  western  country  briefly,  for 
missionaries  in  this  region  were  not  expansive  in  their  geographical 
reports.  'Goiogouen  [Cayuga  region],'  says  Raffeix,  'is  the  fairest 
country  that  I  have  seen  in  America.  .  .  .  It  is  a  tract 
situated  between  two  lakes,^  and  not  exceeding  four  leagues  in 
width,  consisting  of  almost  uninterrupted  plains,  the  woods 
bordering  which  are  extremely  beautiful.  .  .  .  Four  leagues 
from  here^  I  saw  by  the  side  of  a  river,  within  a  very  limited  space, 
eight  or  ten  extremely  fine  salt-springs.  .  .  .  Lake  Tiohero 
[Cayuga]  one  of  the  two  adjoining  our  village,  is  fully  fourteen 
leagues  long  by  one  or  two  wide.^  .  .  .  The  Ochou^gouen 
[Oswego]  River,  which  flows  from  this  lake,  divides,  in  its  upper 

1  lUd.  p.  85. 

=*  Relation,  1671-2.  J.  R.  LVI,p.  27.  Locations  of  the  missions  are  as  follows: 
Mission  of  the  Martyrs,  Ossernenon,  near  Auriesville  \  mile  south  the  of 
Mohawk  River.  St.  Francis  Xavier,  two  miles  northeast  of  Munnsville.  St. 
Jean  Baptiste,  on  Indian  Hill,  two  miles  south  of  Manlius.  St.  Joseph,  south 
of  Union  Springs.  La  Conception,  on  west  bank  of  Honeoye  Creek,  two  miles 
north  of  Honeoye  Falls.  St.  Michel,  three  and  a  half  miles  south  of  Broughton 
Hill.  St.  Jacques,  on  Broughton  Hill,  one  mile  south  of  Victor.  See  notes  to 
map  of  Iroquois  Cantons  oj  New  York  by  W.  M.  Beauchamp.  J.  R.  LI,  pp.  293 
and  294. 

^  Lakes  Cayuga  and  Seneca. 

*  Goiogouen,  the  place  where  Raffeix  was  located. 

*  Tiohero,  here  referring  to  Cayuga  Lake,  was  also  a  name  for  the  Seneca 
River.  It  is  described  as  'coming  from  the  direction  of  Andastogue  [Delaware 
region] ;  [it]  flows  down,  at  the  distance  of  four  leagues  from  Onnontagu6,  and 
empties  into  the  Ontario.  The  great  quantity  of  rushes  in  this  river  has  given 
the  name  of  Thiohero  to  the  village  that  is  next  to  Oiogouen.'  Relation, 
1668-9.     J.  R.  Ill,  p.  179. 


Eastern  Great  Lakes  77 

waters,  into  several  channels,  bordered  by  prairies;  and  at  intervals 
are  very  pleasant  and  somewhat  deep  inlets,  which  are  preserves 
for  game.'^ 

The  Jesuit  map  of  1664-5,  to  which  reference  has  been  made, 
was  designed  several  years  before  Father  Raffeix  wrote  the  des- 
cription cited  above.*  It  contains  all  the  geographical  facts  of 
central  and  western  New  York  known  at  that  time.  Tiohero  lac, 
residence  of  the  Oioguen  Iroquois,  or  the  Cayugas  as  they  are  called 
to-day,  is  represented  by  a  diminutive  outline  which  is  properly 
located  on  the  map,  but  no  specific  dimensions  are  shown  as  these 
were  not  given  until  later.  Knowledge  of  this  territory  was  very 
meager,  its  source  being  the  reports  of  Menard  and  Chaumonot; 
the  former,  field  missionary  to  Oiogouen,  the  latter  to  Sonnon- 
touan.2  The  country  of  the  Sonnontouan  is  described  by  Menard 
as  the  most  fertile  Iroquois  province,  containing  two  large  villages 
besides  a  number  of  small  ones,  the  principal  town  being  Gandagan.' 
Lake  Tiohero,  first  mentioned  as  the  place  where  David  Le  Moyne 
died,*  is  shown  on  the  above  map  as  draining  northward  into  a 
river  that  flows  in  an  easterly  directly.  Into  this  river  runs  a  short 
stream  from  Onondaga  Lake;  and  lower  down  we  find  it  joined  by 
a  river  from  Lac  Techirogouen  (Oneida  Lake),  the  two  uniting  to 
flow  northward  into  Lake  Ontario.  It  was  some  years  later  that 
information  regarding  the  Finger  Lakes  region  began  to  appear  on 
a  limited  number  of  maps,  for  the  lakes  shown  on  Sanson's  chart, 
1656,  cannot  be  taken  seriously,  as  they  conform  to  no  geographical 
facts,  and  represent  merely  a  vague  notion  regarding  some  interior 
bodies  of  water. 

Turning  to  the  Finger  Lakes  and  western  New  York  we  find 
the  information  summed  up  on  Raffeix  map,  Le  Lac  Ontario,  1688, 
where  for  the  first  time  a  rough  idea  of  the  Finger  Lakes  is  given. 
A  group  of  six  narrow  lakes  is  presented  on  this  sketch  as  draining 
into  a  river  which  in  turn  empties  into  Lake  Ontario  near  modern 
Oswego.  Not  far  from  its  mouth  it  receives  the  waters  of  an  affluent 
coming  from  Oneida  Lake.  To  the  west  lies  a  group  of  three  lakes 
flowing  into  Ontario  through  a  river  bearing  the  word  sault  at  its 

^  Relation,  1671-2.   J.  R.  LVI,  pp.  49-51. 
2  Relation,  1656-7.    ,/.  R.  XLIII,  p.  307. 

^  Ibid.  J.   R.  XLIV,  p.   21.     Gandagan  or  Gandagare  was  situated  on 
Broughton  Hill  near  Victor.    W.  M.  Beauchamp  in  /.  R.  LI,  p.  293. 
Relation,  1656-7.   J.  R.  XLIV,  p.  27. 


78  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

mouth — obviously  the  Genesee,  on  whose  eastern  bank  we  find 
the  Village  dit  Assomption.  To  the  east  is  another  stream/  empty- 
ing into  Ontario  through  the  Marais  des  Sonnontouans,  on  whose 
farther  bank  is  the  St.  Jacques  village;  both  these  settlements  are 
shown  in  a  territory  called,  Les  Sonnontouans.  Very  little  atten- 
tion is  paid  to  this  lake  district  by  subsequent  cartographers,  al- 
though Franquelin,  who,  residing  in  Canada  probably  had  the 
latest  news  before  him,  produced  an  excellent  outline  on  his  map  of 
1688,  executed  with  a  nicer  regard  for  technical  construction  than 
the  crude  efforts  of  Raffeix.^  As  both  Franquelin's  chart  and  that 
of  Raffeix  bear  the  same  date  it  is  impossible  to  determine  which 
is  the  earlier  of  the  two.  Did  Franquelin  rely  on  the  Relations  or 
on  Raffeix'  map?  There  is  not  sufficient  data  in  the  Relations  for 
Franquelin's  accurate  portrayal  of  the  region,  nor  could  the  carto- 
grapher have  made  his  outlines  solely  from  the  Raffeix  sketch. 
Such  being  the  case  we  can  only  point  to  the  probability  that 
Franquelin  must  have  conversed  with  missionaries  from  the  Finger 
Lakes  region,  or  have  availed  himself  of  letters  that  have  long  since 
disappeared. 

In  northern  and  central  New  York  we  have,  then,  as  sole 
sources  of  geographical  information  during  the  seventeenth  century 
(with  the  exception  of  the  southern  shoreline  of  Lake  Ontario 
drawn  by  Father  Gailinee)  the  narratives  and  maps  of  the  Jesuits 
Fathers.  The  former  we  have  discussed  at  some  length  and  shown 
that  they  were  the  result  of  personal  observations  made  by  men 
who  had  explored  the  regions  they  described.  The  two  special 
maps  of  this  region  are  first,  the  one  accompanying  the  Relation  of 
1664-5,  a  sketch  made  by  we  know  not  what  individual,  but  pre- 
sumably by  one  of  the  Order,  and  based,  as  we  have  endeavored  to 
show,  on  the  Relations;  and  second,  the  sketch  by  Father  Raffeix 
whose  long  residence  in  the  country  he  depicts  gives  him  a  certain 
amount  of  authority  in  geographical  matters.  We  can  find  in  no 
other  records,  either  before  the  appearance  of  the  Fathers  or  after 
they  had  established  their  missions,  material  that  would  convey 
information  about  the  region  we  have  surveyed.  Our  conclusions 
are  that  the  geographical  knowledge  of  the  territory  under  discus- 
sion is  distinctly  a  Jesuit  contribution. 

^  Irondequoit  Creek. 
^  See  map  on  p.  153. 


CHAPTER  III 

Jesuit  Contributions  in  the  Mississippi  Valley 

AFTER  the  Iroquois  Confederacy  had  broken  up  the  Jesuit 
■mission  center  in  Huronia  the  Fathers  endeavored  to  follow 
their  Huron  neophytes,  or  at  least  to  keep  in  touch  with  them  as 
they  fled  westward.  But  the  difficulties  of  such  an  undertaking 
were  great,  and  the  Fathers  were  obliged  to  content  themselves 
with  founding  missions  among  the  other  tribes,  a  work  that  fre- 
quently brought  them  in  contact  with  the  now  nomadic  Hurons. 
During  their  stay  in  Huronia  it  had  been  their  custom  to  send  out 
expeditions  in  various  directions.  It  was  on  one  of  these  voyages, 
it  will  be  remembered,  that  Fathers  Jogues  and  Raymbault 
reached  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie  in  1641.  Here  they  found  a  parting 
of  the  ways.  The  situation  that  confronted  them  was  similar  to 
the  one  at  the  junction  of  the  Ottawa  and  St.  Lawrence  Rivers. 
Two  routes  lay  before  them;  one  leading  northward  into  Lake 
Superior,  the  other  westward  to  Lake  Michigan  and  eventually 
to  the  Mississippi.  Jogues  and  Raymbault  themselves  went  no 
farther  than  the  Sault;  and  it  is  to  others  that  we  must  turn  for 
further  information  regarding  the  country  that  lay  beyond.  We 
shall  first  take  up  the  western  route  to  the  Mississippi. 

section  I 
First  Definite  Knowledge  of  Green  Bay  and  the  Fox  River 

Before  the  missionaries  began  their  western  explorations  pio- 
neers had  pushed  forward  and  reported  in  a  vague  manner  the 
existence  of  new  regions  whose  topography  was  later  carefully 
examined  and  reported  by  the  Jesuits.  In  1634  Jean  Nicolet 
discovered  Green  Bay.^  The  details  of  his  journej^,  though  obscure 
in  quality  and  meager  in  quantity,  are  important  for  the  purpose  of 
this  paper  as  they  give  the  first  account  of  the  region  in  question, 
and,  furthermore,  we  are  indebted  to  the  Jesuits  for  them.  'He 
was  delegated,'  says  the  Relation  of  1642-3,  'to  make  a  journey 

1  The  date  of  this  expedition  was  long  believed  to  be  1639,  but  a  careful 
examination  of  records  has  led  authorities  to  accept  the  date,  1634.  For  a  full 
discussion  of  this  subject  one  is  referred  to  C.  W.  Butterfield.  Discovery  of  the 
Northwest  by  John  Nicolet,  pp.  43-45.  See  also  Benj.  Suite.  Notes  on  Jean 
Nicolet  in  Coll.  State  Hist.  Soc.  of  Wisco7isin.    Vol.  VIII,  pp.  189-194. 

79 


8o  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

to  the  nation  called  People  of  the  Sea  [Winnebagoes],  and  arrange 
peace  between  them  and  the  Hurons,  from  whom  they  are  distant 
about  three  hundred  leagues  westward.  He  embarked  in  the 
Huron  country,  with  seven  savages;  and  they  passed  by  many 
small  nations,  both  going  and  returning.'  ^  Vimont  in  his  Relation 
of  1640  describes  Nicolet's  route  to  the  People  of  the  Sea,  and  gives 
a  list  of  tribes  that  Nicolet  encountered  on  his  journey  there. 
Vimont  says,  speaking  of  the  Great  Lakes:  'I  have  said  that  at 
the  entrance  to  the  first  of  these  Lakes  [Lake  Huron]  we  find  the 
Hurons.  Leaving  them,  to  sail  farther  up  in  the  lake,  we  find  on  the 
north  the  Ouasouarini;  .  .  .  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  which 
comes  from  Lake  Nipisin,  are  the  Atchiligouan.  .  .  .  After 
the  Amikouai,  upon  the  same  shores  of  the  great  lake,  are  the 
Oumisagai,  whom  we  pass  while  proceeding  to  Baouichtigouian, — 
that  is  to  say,  to  the  nation  of  the  people  of  the  Sault,  for,  in  fact, 
there  is  a  rapid,  which  rushes  at  this  point  into  the  fresh-water  sea. 
Beyond  this  rapid  we  find  the  little  lake,  upon  the  shores  of  which, 
to  the  north,  are  the  Roquai.'^  The  route,  so  far,  is  plain  enough. 
It  lies  along  the  eastern  shore  of  Georgian  Bay  to  the  Sault,  then 
beyond  this  rapid  to  the  Big  Bay  de  Noquette,  described  as  the 
little  lake  inhabited  by  the  Roquai  tribe.  The  Relation  continues : 
'Passing  this  smaller  lake,  we  enter  the  second  fresh-water  sea, 
upon  the  shores  of  which  are  the  Maroumine  [Menominees] ;  and 
still  farther,  upon  the  same  banks,  dwell  the  Ouinipigou  [Winne- 
bagoes], a  sedentary  people,  who  are  very  numerous;  some  of  the 
French  call  them  the  "Nation  of  Stinkards,"  because  the  Algon- 
quin word  "ouinipeg"  signifies  "bad-smelling  water,"  and  they 
apply  this  name  to  the  water  of  the  salt  sea, — so  that  these  people 
are  called  Ouinipigou  because  they  come  from  the  shores  of  a  sea 
about  which  we  have  no  knowledge;  and  hence  they  ought  not  to 
be  called  the  nation  of  Stinkards,  but  the  nation  of  the  sea.'^ 
The  extent  of  Nicolet's  journey  is  somewhat  vague,  the  only  clue 
being  Vimont's  remark  that:  'Sieur  Nicolet,  who  has  advanced 
farthest  into  these  so  distant  countries,  has  assured  me  that,  if  he 
had  sailed  three  days'  journey  farther  upon  a  great  river  which 
issues  from  this  lake,  he  would  have  found  the  sea.''*    The  wish  is 

1  Relation,  1642-3.    J.  R.  XXIII,  p.  277. 

2  Relation,  1640.    /.  R.  XVIII,  pp.  229-231. 
^  Ibid.  p.  231. 

*  Ibid.  p.  237. 


Mississippi  Valley  8i 

evidently  parent  to  the  thought,  for  so  keen  was  the  desire  to  find 
a  waterway  that  would  bring  the  western  sea  within  easy  reach, 
that  any  hint  or  intimation  of  such  a  possibility  would  at  once  have 
brought  the  imagination  into  play  and  would  have  placed  a  favor- 
able interpretation  on  the  wildest  rumors. 

As  some  have  hinted  that  Nicolet  preceded  Father  Marquette 
to  the  Mississippi  it  is  necessary  to  examine  the  evidence  with  a 
view  to  establishing  the  falsity  of  the  claim.  How  far  did  Nicolet 
go?  This  a  question  that  has  puzzled  antiquarians  for  many  years, 
for  the  evidence  is  not  susceptible  of  definite  interpretation.  Taken 
literally  one  would  suppose  Nicolet  co  have  at  least  reached  the 
Mississippi  by  way  of  Green  Bay,  the  Fox  and  Wisconsin  Rivers, 
if  he  did  not  descend  it  for  a  considerable  distance;  but  it  is  impos- 
sible to  believe  that  he  ventured  down  the  Mississippi  to  within 
three  days'  journey  of  the  sea  without  bringing  back  a  fairly  elabor- 
ate report  of  the  territory  explored.  We  must,  therefore,  assume 
the  word  'sea,'  as  Nicolet  used  it,  to  refer  to  some  large  body  of 
water  such  as  the  Mississippi,  which  interpretation  would  bring 
our  explorer  to  the  Wisconsin,  three  days'  journey  from  the  great 
river.^  Such  a  theory  is  not  unreasonable  and  commands  respect- 
ful consideration,  especially  when  we  remember  that  the  inland 
savages  probably  had  no  notion  of  what  was  meant  by  the  sea, 
when  they  told  Nicolet  that  a  great  water  lay  ahead  of  him;  we 
might  even  accept  it  as  final  had  not  a  later  critic,  who  considers 
the  Wisconsin,  and  not  the  Mississippi,  to  be  the  great  water  dis- 
tant three  days'  journey,  restricted  Nicolet's  wanderings  to  the 
Fox  River.  This  stream  winds  its  circuitous  course  to  within  a 
mile  of  the  Wisconsin  where  a  portage  was  located,  and  then  flows 
through  a  swampy  region  choked  with  wild  oats  and  lush  vegeta- 
tion to  Lake  Winnebago,  whence  it  discharges  into  the  head  of 
Green  Bay.  In  thf»  absence  of  definite  standards  of  measurement 
and  because  of  the  varying  rates  of  speed  at  which  different  parties 
must  travel,  owing  to  weather  and  other  causes,  it  becomes  extreme- 
ly difficult  to  reduce  such  a  term  as  a  day's  journey  to  an  accurate 

^  J.  G.  Shea.  Disc,  and  Explor.  oj  the  Mississippi  Valley.  1852.  enter- 
tains this  view,  p.  XXI.  He  says:  'It  is  certain  then,  that  to  Nicolet  is  due 
the  credit  of  having  been  the  first  to  reach  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi.' 
Henri  Jouan.  Jean  Nicolet,  Interpreter  and  Voyageur  in  Canada.  Coll.  State 
Hist.  Soc.  of  Wisconsin,  1888.  Vol.  XI,  p.  14.  believes  that  Nicolet  crossed  the 
portage  and  reached  the  Wisconsin  and  possibly  the  Mississippi. 


82  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

distance.  This  may  be  seen  in  accounts  like  the  following.  When 
Jogues  and  Raymbaiilt  visited  the  Saiilt  a  few  years  after  Nicolet, 
they  obtained  information  about  the  Sioux,  who  dwelt  near  the 
Mississippi,  and  these  they  described  as  a  'certain  nation,  the 
Nadouessis,  situated  to  the  northwest  or  west  of  the  Sault,  eight- 
teen  days'  journey  further  away.  The  first  nine  days  are  occupied 
in  crossing  another  great  lake  that  commences  above  [beyond]  the 
Sault;  during  the  last  nine  days  one  has  to  ascend  a  river  that 
traverses  those  lands.'^  Clearly  the  first  nine  days  of  this  journey 
brings  one  to  the  head  of  Green  Bay,  but  a  nine  days'  journey  up 
the  Fox  River  would  scarcely  be  sufficient  to  reach  the  Mississippi, 
though  it  would,  perhaps,  enable  a  traveller  to  arrive  at  the  Wis- 
consin, AUouez,  as  we  shall  see  later,  took  five  days  to  make  the 
journey  from  Green  Bay  to  the  junction  of  the  Fox  and  Wolf 
Rivers,  a  spot  not  far  from  the  Mascouten  settlement,  and  from 
this  point  Marquette  spent  an  additional  seven  days  in  reaching 
the  Mississippi,  making  a  total  of  twelve  days  in  covering  the  dis- 
tance from  Green  Bay  to  that  river,^  The  route  from  the  Mascou- 
tens  to  the  Wisconsin  portage  was  a  difficult  one,  lying  through 
marshes  and  small  lakes,  where  the  river  channel  was  clogged  by 
vegetation,^  so  that  Marquette,  though  he  gives  us  no  definite 
information  on  the  subject,  probably  spent  four  of  his  seven  days 
on  this  the  more  difficult  portion  of  his  route,  while  the  Wisconsin 
River  which  could  be  navigated  with  greater  rapidity  and  facility 
(the  distance  is  but  one  hundred  and  eighteen  miles  from  the  port- 
age to  the  Mississippi)  might  be  traversed  in  three.  Since  Nicolet 
said  that  he  would  have  reached  the  sea  had  he  sailed  three  days 
more  on  the  'river  which  issues  from  this  lake,'  i.e.  Green  Bay, 
the  river  on  which  he  was  sailing  must  have  been  the  Fox  and  the 
sea  he  referred  to  the  Wisconsin,  for  if  the  Indians  regarded  the 
Mississippi  (a  great  river  flowing  to  the  sea)  as  the  sea  itself,  it  was 
quite  possible  for  them  to  consider  the  Wisconsin  in  the  same  light 
as  its  waters  reach  the  ocean  through  the  main  stream,*  Hence 
the  distance  of  a  nine  days'  journey  from  Green  Bay  to  the  Wis- 

1  Relation,  1642.  J.  R.  XXIII,  p.  225. 

"  June  10  to  June  17.  Marquette's  First  Voyage.  J.  R.  LIX,  pp.  105- 
107. 

^  An  account  of  Marquette's  voyage  appears  later  in  this  chapter. 

*  C.  W.  Butterfield.  Ibid,  gives  an  elaborate  and  carefully  prepared  anal- 
ysis of  the  extent  of  Nicolet's  travels,  which  he  brings  up  the  Fox  Eiver  as  far 
as  the  Mascoutens.    The  itinerary  is  fully  discussed  in  Chapter  III  of  his  work. 


Mississippi  Valley  83 

consin  as  calculated  by  the  savages  is  confirmed  fairly  well  by  the 
five  days  which  AUouez  consumed  in  going  from  the  bay  to  the 
Mascouten  neighborhood,  and  the  approximate  four  days  taken  by 
Marquette  in  reaching  the  Wisconsin  from  the  Mascouten  village. 
But  whether  Nicolet  reached  the  Mississippi,  or  the  Wisconsin  or 
only  the  Fox,  it  is  certain  that  he  added  nothing  to  geographical 
knowledge  save  the  existence  and  approximate  location  of  the 
Baye  des  Puans  [Green  Bay].  This  gulf,  whose  identity  was  as  yet 
merged  with  Lake  Michigan,  is  found,  as  we  have  pointed  out,  as 
early  as  1650  on  Sanson's  map,  where  it  confronts  us  as  a  long, 
narrow  lake  connected  with  Lake  Huron  by  a  strait.  On  this 
chart  we  see  a  large  river  flowing  from  the  south  into  the  bay. 
Can  this  be  the  great  river  to  which  Nicolet  refers?  Perhaps  so. 
At  any  rate  we  can  find  no  mention  elsewhere  of  such  a  stream 
prior  to  the  date  when  the  map  was  issued. 

The  exact  meaning  of  the  word  'Ouinipeg'  (bad-smelling)  is 
fraught  with  important  consequences,  as  the  word  gave  rise  to  a 
suspicion  in  the  minds  of  the  French  that  the  route  to  the  western 
ocean  lay  through  the  country  of  the  Ouinipeg,  and  this  furnished 
an  impetus  to  exploration  in  that  direction.  In  Vimont's  Relation 
it  is  assumed  to  refer  to  that  pungent  odor  arising  from  salt-water 
which  indicates  the  proximity  of  the  sea.  It  was  not  until  Mar- 
quette had  explored  Green  Bay  that  the  correct  reason  for  this 
appellation  was  discovered.  He  says:  'This  bay  bears  a  name 
which  has  a  meaning  not  so  offensive  in  the  language  of  the  savages ; 
for  they  call  it  la  baye  sallee  [salt  bay]  rather  than  Bay  des  Puans, 
— although  with  them  this  is  almost  the  same  and  this  is  also  the 
name  which  they  give  to  the  sea.  This  led  us  to  make  very  careful 
researches  to  ascertain  whether  there  were  not  some  salt-water 
springs  in  this  quarter,  as  there  are  among  the  Hiroquois,  but  we 
found  none.  We  conclude,  therefore,  that  this  name  has  been 
given  to  it  on  account  of  the  quantity  of  mire  and  mud  which  is 
seen  there,  whence  noisome  vapors  constantly  arise,  causing  the 
loudest  and  most  continual  thunder  that  I  have  ever  heard,'^ 
Marquette's  diagnosis  is  no  doubt  correct.  It  was  impossible  for  a 
nation  living  in  this  neighborhood  to  have  access  to  the  sea,  nor 
were  there  any  saline  deposits  in  the  country  which  they  inhabited. 

1  Marquette's  First  Voyage,  1674.    J.  R.  LIX,  pp.  97-99. 


84  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

The  malodorous  vapors  arising  from  swamp  lands  occasioned  the 
stench  that  gave  to  the  tribe  its  name  of  Puans} 

Green  Bay,  as  we  have  pointed  out,  was  long  confused  with 
Lake  Michigan,  the  two  bodies  of  water  being  regarded  as  one. 
Father  AUouez  was  the  first  to  distinguish  between  the  two.  In 
his  journal,  written  in  1666  from  the  mission  of  St.  Esprit  on  Lake 
Superior,  he  says,  in  speaking  of  the  Pouteouatami  tribes:  'Their 
country  lies  along  the  Lake  of  the  Ilimouek^ — a  large  lake  which 
had  not  before  come  to  our  knowledge,  adjoining  the  Lake  of  the 
Hurons,  and  that  of  the  Stinkards  [Green  Bay]  in  a  southeasterly 
direction.'^  This  lake  of  the  Ilimouek,  which  Allouez  tells  us  is 
also  called  Michihigaming  [Michigan],  appears  for  the  first  time 
on  the  map  accompanying  the  Relation  of  1 670-1,  a  map  we  shall 
discuss  presently.  Meanwhile  Allouez  undertook  a  journey  to 
Green  Bay  and  the  Fox  River. 

Let  us  now  glance  at  Father  Allouez'  account  of  his  expedition 
to  the  Fox  River.  Claude  Jean  Allouez  was  born  at  St.  Didier, 
France,  in  16 13.  He  entered  the  Jesuit  novitiate  at  Toulouse  and 
pursued  his  studies  there  as  well  as  at  Billom  and  Rodez.  He  comes 
suddenly  upon  our  notice  in  1658  when,  eager  for  missionary  labor, 
he  arrived  in  Canada.  After  waiting  impatiently  for  two  years 
his  wishes  were  fulfilled  and  he  was  dispatched  to  Lake  Superior. 
Two  years  later  Allouez  returned  to  Quebec  for  assistance,  bringing 
to  his  superiors  a  report  regarding  the  conditions  in  the  territory 
assigned  to  him.  He  remained  in  Quebec  for  a  few  days  then 
started  back  to  his  mission  of  St.  Esprit.  It  was  while  in  this  north- 
ern region  that  he  undertook  his  voyage  to  the  Fox  River,  the 
substance  of  which  will  now  be  given. 

On  November  third,  1669,  Father  Allouez  left  the  Sault  Ste. 
Marie  and  proceeded  through  the  islands  that  fringe  the  northern 
shore  of  Lake  Huron.    'On  the  fourth,'  he  tells  us,  'toward  noon, 

1  The  derivation  of  the  word  'ouinipeg'  is  thus  summed  up  by  R.  G. 
Thwaites  in  his  Wisconsin,  1908,  p.  17.  'Ethnologists  now  believe  that  the 
term  ouinipeg  (stinking  water)  as  applied  by  the  Algonkins  to  the  Winnebago, 
had  no  reference  to  the  sea,  but  to  certain  ill-smelling  sulphur  springs  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Lake  Winnipeg.  Whence  the  swarthy  Winnebago,  an  outcast 
and  somewhat  degenerate  branch  of  the  Dakota  linguistic  stock,  are  thought 
to  have  migrated  to  the  shores  of  Green  Bay  by  way  of  Wisconsin  and  Fox 
Rivers.' 

2  Illinois,  a  name  for  Lake  Michigan. 

'  Relation,  1666-7.  J.  R.  LI,  p.  27.  Allouez'  statement  means  jthat  Lake 
Michigan  lies  southeast  of  Green  Bay. 


Mississippi  Valley  85 

we  doubled  the  cape  which  forms  the  detour,  and  is  the  beginning 
of  the  Strait  [Mackinac]  or  the  Gulf  of  Lake  Huron,  which  is  well 
known,  and  of  the  Lake  of  the  Illinois, — which  is  up  to  the  present 
time  is  unknown,  and  is  much  smaller  than  Lake  Huron.'^  It 
would,  perhaps,  be  unfair  to  credit  AUouez  with  the  discovery  of 
Lake  Michigan  since  he  was  not  the  first  European  to  navigate  its 
waters;  yet  the  value  of  exploration  should  not  be  measured  by 
priority  of  discovery,  but  rather  by  contributions  to  geographical 
knowledge.  Nicolet,  the  first  to  cross  the  northern  waters  of  Lake 
Michigan,  left  no  records  behind  him,  and  our  onlj'-  data  concerning 
his  voyage  comes  from  Father  Vimont  who  was  wise  enough  to 
jot  down  a  few  chance  remarks  that  Nicolet  let  drop  regarding  his 
journey.  Thus  to  Father  AUouez  should  be  given  the  credit  for 
bringing  Lake  Michigan,  Green  Bay  and  the  Fox  Valley  to  the 
attention  of  geographers. 

Having  doubled  the  cape  the  explorer  entered  Lake  Michigan 
and  pushed  his  canoe  along  the  northern  shore,  leaving  behind  him 
the  large  island  of  Michilimakinac,  soon  to  become  famous  in  the 
annals  of  the  upper  lakes.  Coasting  southward  to  the  head  of 
Green  Bay  he  passed  a  village  composed  of  various  tribes,  the 
Ousaki,  Pouteoutami,  Outagami  and  Ouinipeg,  and  then  estab- 
lished his  mission  which  he  called  St.  Francis  Xavier,  at  the  head 
of  the  bay,  two  leagues  from  the  mouth  of  the  Fox  River.^  During 
the  following  year  he  undertook  the  exploration  of  the  Fox  Valley. 
'On  the  i6th  of  April,'  he  writes,  'I  embarked  to  go  and  begin  the 
mission  to  the  Outagamis.  .  .  .  We  slept  at  the  head  of  the 
Bay,  at  the  mouth  of  the  River  des  Puans  [Fox],  which  we  have 
named  for  Saint  Francis.  .  .  .  On  the  17th,  we  ascended  the 
River  Saint  Francis,  which  is  two,  and  sometimes  three,  arpents 
wide.^  After  proceeding  four  leagues,  we  found  the  Village  of  the 
Savages  called  Saky  [Sacs].  .  .  .  On  the  eighteenth  we  passed 
the  portage  called  by  the  natives  Kekaling,^  our  sailors  dragging  the 
canoe  among  rapids;     .     .     .     On  the  19th,  our  sailors  ascended 

^  Relation,  1669-70.    J.  R.  LIV,  p.  199. 

2  This  mission  was  probably  not  located  at  this  spot  until  a  few  months 
later.  The  following  excerpts  show  its  approximate  location.  At  the  head  of 
the  bay.  Relation,  1670-1.  J.  R.  LV,  pp.  101-103.  On  the  river  emptying 
into  the  bay.  Relation,  1671-2.  /.  R.  LVI,  p.  91.  A  short  distance  beyond 
the  bay.    Relation,  1675.    J.  R.  LIX,  p.  219. 

'  An  arpent  of  Quebec  was  180  feet  of  12.8  inches  each. 

*  Now  known  as  Kaukauma.    See  H.  B.  Tanner's  paper  on  Kaukauma. 


86  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

the  rapids  for  two  leagues  by  the  use  of  poles,  and  I  went  by  land 
as  far  as  the  other  portage,  which  they  call  Ooukocitiming, — that 
is  to  say,  "the  bank."  .  .  .  We  arrived  in  the  evening  at  the 
entrance  to  Lake  des  Puans,  which  we  have  named  Lake  Saint 
Francis;^  it  is  about  twelve  leagues  long  and  four  wide,  extends 
from  the  north-northeast  to  south-southwest,  and  abounds  in 
fish. '2 

As  the  territory  traversed  on  this  expedition  is  soon  to  become 
familiar  as  the  one  through  which  lay  an  important  route  to  the 
Mississippi  River,  a  description  of  the  region  will  be  found  useful. 
We  have  followed  the  missionary  up  the  Fox  River  from  Green 
Bay  to  Lake  Winnebago  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Francis. 
On  the  western  shore  of  this  body  of  water,  half-way  between  its 
northern  and  southern  extremities,  the  upper  Fox  River  empties 
into  it,  coming  from  a  lake — or  rather  an  expanse  of  its  own  waters 
— now  called  Grand  Lake  Butte  des  Morts.  This  latter  body  forms 
a  junction  for  the  Wolf  River,  coming  down  from  the  north  after 
passing  through  Lake  Poygan,  and  a  continuation  of  the  Fox,  that 
reaches  southward  and  westward  through  Puckaway  and  Buffalo 
Lakes  to  the  Wisconsin  at  the  modern  city  of  Portage.  The  Wolf 
River  came  from  the  country  of  the  Outagamis;  while  by  ascend- 
ing the  Fox  one  reached  the  Mascoutens.  The  trail  to  the  Mississ- 
sippi  was  not  so  easy  as  might  be  imagined,  as  the  upper  Fox  ran 
through  swamp  land,  and  its  own  waters  were  so  filled  with  wild 
rice  as  to  render  the  channel  barely  distinguishable.  Such  was 
the  famous  route  knov/n  as  the  Fox- Wisconsin  portage.  Allouez 
proceeded  to  the  Outagamis  and  the  Relation  gives  an  account  of 
his  journey. 

'On  the  twentieth,  which  was  Sunday,'  he  tells  us,  'I  said  Mass, 
after  voyaging  five  or  six  leagues  on  the  Lake,  after  which  we  came 
to  a  river,  flowing  from  a  lake  bordered  with  wild  oats;  this  stream 
we  followed,  and  found  at  the  end  of  it  the  river  that  leads  to  the 
Outagamis,  in  one  direction,  and  that  which  leads  to  the  Mach- 
koutenck  [Mascoutens],  in  the  other.  We  entered  this  first  stream, 

^  Unless  the  reader  is  careful  he  is  liable  to  become  confused  about  the 
name  Lac  des  Puans.  Green  Bajr,  as  we  have  pointed  out,  was  called  Lac  des 
Puans  or  Baye  des  Puans.  Allouez,  it  would  appear,  considered  Green  Bay 
as  a  bay  and  not  as  a  lake,  so  when  he  ascended  the  Fox  River  and  came  to 
Lake  Winnebago  he  spoke  of  the  latter  as  the  lake  (as  distinguished  from  the 
bay)  des  Puans.    It  was  to  Lake  Winnebago  that  he  gave  the  name  St.  Francis. 

2  Relation,  1669-70.    J.  R.  LIV,  pp.  215-217. 


Mississippi  Valley  87 

which  flows  from  a  lake;  ...  On  the  twenty  fourth,  after 
turning  and  doubhng  several  times  in  various  lakes  and  rivers,  we 
arrived  at  the  village  of  the  Outagamis.'^  Here  Allouez  founded 
the  mission  of  St,  Mark.^  Then  retracing  his  steps  he  turned 
up  the  Fox  River  to  the  Mascoutens.  'On  the  twenty  ninth,' 
he  says,  'we  entered  the  river  which  leads  to  the  Machkoutench, 
who  are  called  by  the  Hurons  Assista  Ectaeronnons,  "Nation  of 
Fire."  This  river  is  very  beautiful,  without  rapids  or  portages, 
and  flows  toward  the  southwest.'^  And  here  he  learned  the  first 
definite  news  of  the  route  to  the  great  river.  'These  people  are 
settled  in  a  very  attractive  place,  where  beautiful  plains  and  fields 
meet  the  eye  as  far  as  one  can  see.  Their  river  leads  by  a  six  days' 
voyage  to  the  great  river  named  Messi-Sipi,  and  it  is  along  the 
former  river  that  the  other  populous  nations  are  situated,'^ 

The  first  cartographical  portrayal  of  the  information  acquired 
by  Allouez  is  found  on  the  Lake  Superior  map  that  accompanied 
Dablon's  Relation  of  1670-1  (only  one  year  after  Allouez'  expedi- 
tion). It  was  subsequently  reprinted  with  the  Relation  of  167 1- 
2^  'in  order  to  satisfy  the  curiosity  of  those  who  have  not  seen  it, 
and  to  designate  some  new  missions  I'ecently  planted  in  that  coun- 
try.'^ The  name  of  the  designer  is  unknown,  though  the  map  was, 
in  all  probability,  the  work  of  a  Jesuit — or  at  least  produced  under 
Jesuit  auspices — for  the  purpose  of  locating  the  newly  established 
missions.  An  explanatory  text  in  the  Relation  discusses  the  geo- 
graphical features  presented,  with  special  reference  to  the  mission 
stations.  Save  for  the  upper  portion  of  Lake  Huron  the  work  is 
remarkable  for  accuracy,  and  surpasses  many  subsequent  charts 
whose  authors  were  benefited  by  further  explorations.    Here  for 

1  Relation,  1669-70.    /.  R.  LIV,  pp.  217-219. 

^Ibid.  p.  227.  This  mission  was  located  at  the  junction  of  the  Little  Wolf 
and  Embarass  Rivers.    Ibid,  note  12. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  227-229.  Strictly  speaking  the  river  flows  from  and  not  towards 
the  southwest.  In  the  original  French  text  the  word  is  va,  meaning  'gees', 
which  might  be  translated  to  imply  that  the  river  leads  to  the  southwest. 

*  Ibid.  pp.  231-233. 

^  Lac  Superieur  et  eutres  lieux  ou  sont  les  Missions  des  Peres  de  la  Compagnie 
de  Jesus  comprises  sous  le  nom  D'outauacs.  Ceite  Carte  est  du  Livre  de  Relation 
du  Canada  des  Annees  1671-1672.  Laquelle  estoit  collee  dans  ce  livre  enire  les 
feuillets  110-111.  Harrisse.  Ibid.  #340.  Lake  Superior  and  other  places 
where  are  the  missions  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  comprised 
under  the  name  of  Outaouacs.  This  map  is  from  the  book  of  the  Relation  of 
Canada  for  the  years  1671-1672.    It  was  in  this  book  between  pages  iio-iii. 

^  Relation  1671-2.    J.  R.  LVI,  p.  91. 


88  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

the  first  time  is  shown  the  Baye  des  Puans  [Green  Bay]  as  a  body 
distinct  from  Lac  des  Illinois  [Michigan].  Lake  St.  Francis 
[Winnebago]  and  the  stream  draining  it  into  the  bay  are  not  named, 
though  by  consulting  the  Great  Lakes  map  and  the  Coronelli  map, 
1688,  we  can  readily  identify  them  with  Lake  Winnebago  and  the 
Fox  River.  No  attempt  is  made  on  this  chart  to  show  the  Missis- 
sippi River  or  the  route  leading  to  it  as  they  were  not  explored 
until  three  years  later,  but  an  examination  of  the  map  reveals  a 
number  of  interesting  points  in  other  locahties.  The  large  archi- 
pelago at  the  entrance  of  the  Baye  des  Puans  is  doubtless  an  exag- 
geration of  the  small  island  group  found  there.  These  islands  are 
mentioned  in  the  Relation  of  16 70-1,  which,  when  describing  the 
bay,  informs  us  that  'at  its  entrance  are  encountered  the  islands 
called  Huron,  because  the  Hurons  took  refuge  there  for  some  time, 
after  their  own  country  was  laid  waste. '^  This  same  Relation 
contains  a  description  of  the  region  about  Green  Bay.  It  says: 
'Approaching  the  head  of  the  same  bay,  we  see  the  river  of  the 
Oumaloumines  [Menomonees], — or,  translated,  "the  wild  oats 
Nation," — which  is  a  dependency  of  the  mission  of  St.  Francis 
Xavier.'^  Furthermore  this  nation  is  located  'on  the  banks  of  a 
river  of  considerable  beauty,'  which  empties  into  this  same  bay, 
15  or  20  leagues  from  its  head.'^  No  attempt  is  made  at  this  time 
to  give  definite  dimensions  of  the  bay,  though  later  they  were 
variously  estimated  at  from  fifteen  to  thirty  leagues  in  length, 
and  from  five  to  eight  in  width  at  its  mouth,  when  'it  narrows 
gradually  to  the  bottom,  where  it  is  easy  to  observe  a  tide  which 
has  its  regular  ebb  and  flow,  almost  like  that  of  the  sea.'^  That  the 
expedition  of  Father  AUouez  resulted  in  a  distinct  contribution  to 
geographical  knowledge  is  beyond  all  reasonable  doubt.  He  ex- 
plored a  country  previously  unknown,  save  for  Nicolet,  and  brought 
back  a  hint  of  the  Mississippi.  The  results  of  his  researches  were 
immediately  sketched  on  a  map  in  the  Relation  of  16 70-1  and  dis- 
patched to  Europe. 

In  the  foregoing  quotation  we  have  an  allusion  to  tidal  dis- 
turbances in  the  Great  Lakes,  a  phenomenon  that  is  mentioned 

» /.  R.  LV,  p.  103. 

^Ibid. 

*  Menominee  River. 
^Ibid.  p.  185. 

6  For  dimensions  of  Green  Bay  see  Relation,  1671-2.    /.  R.  LVI,  p.  139, 
and  also  Marquette's  First  Voyage.    J.  R.  LIX,  p.  99. 


JESUIT  Map  of  Lake  Superior,  and  Parts  of  Lakes  Huron  and  Michigan. 

iFacsimile  of  chart  ac.  ompanying  Rtlalion  of  1670-71  ) 


Mississippi  Valley  89 

more  than  once  in  the  Relations;  and,  as  this  has  been  the  subject 
of  considerable  scientific  speculation,  a  word  regarding  it  will  not 
be  out  of  place  at  this  point,  Jonathan  Carver,  who  visited  the 
lakes  between  1766  and  1769  tells  us  that  the  observations  of  the 
French  disclose  no  diurnal  tide,  but  Weld's  Travels,  published 
some  thirty  years  later,  speak  of  observations  at  the  Bay  of  Quinte 
in  Lake  Ontario  which  show  a  rise  in  the  water  level  of  fourteen 
inches  in  twelve  hours.  Henry  Whiting  observed  fluctuations  at 
Green  Bay  in  1828  and  reported  the  absence  of  lunar  tides. '^  Later, 
Charles  Whittlesey,  after  a  series  of  very  thorough  observations, 
assigned  noticeable  fluctuations  to  three  causes:  a  general  rise 
and  fall  extending  over  a  period  of  years  and  depending  on  the 
volume  of  drainage  into  the  lakes;  an  annual  rise  and  fall  which 
occurs  irrespective  of  the  level;  and  a  sudden  irregular  rise  and 
fall  due  to  winds  and  other  causes.^  Eventually  a  tidal  gauge  was 
built  at  the  mouth  of  the  Chicago  River,  far  enough  out  in  the 
lake  to  be  free  from  the  river's  current,  which  registered  an  average 
tide  of  fifteen  hundredths  of  a  foot,  with  a  maximum  spring  tide 
of  two  tenths  of  a  foot.^  Obviously''  the  fluctuations  observed  by 
the  Jesuits  could  not  have  been  those  caused  by  lunar  influences, 
but  must  have  been  due  to  the  general  form  of  Green  Bay,  which 
is  such  that  the  winds  and  currents  from  the  lake  affect  its  surface, 
and  the  discharge  from  the  Fox  River  is  so  considerable  that  when 
it  strikes  an  influx  of  water  from  the  lake  the  two  currents  com- 
bine to  cause  a  rise  in  the  water  level.'* 

SECTION  2 

First  Appearance  of  the  Mississippi  in  Cartographical  Form 

Now  that  Father  AUouez  had  pointed  out  the  way  to  the  Missis- 
sippi River  it  was  not  long  before  another  missionary,  no  less  hardy 
than  he,  undertook  to  open  up  the  route  and  explore  the  great 
river  in  the  hope  of  finding  an  outlet  to  the  western  ocean.  Since 
we  are  interested  in  showing  what  contributions  to  geography  were 
made  by  this  missionary,  for  he  also  was  a  member  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus,  we  must  attack  our  problem  by  examining  the  early 

1  Chas.  Whittlesey.     Fluctuations  of  Level  in  the  North  American  Lakes. 
1859.  in  Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge.    Vol.  XII,  p.  14. 
''Ibid.  p.  I. 

^  J.  D.  Graham.    A  Lunar  Tidal  Wave  in  the  North  American  Lakes.  1861. 
*  Chas.  Whittlesey.    Ibid.  p.  18. 


90  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

maps  of  this  region  and  ascertain  whether  there  was  any  attempt 
to  portray  the  Mississippi  on  these  charts;  and  this  brings  us,  of 
course,  to  the  Spanish  sources. 

De  Soto's  now  well  authenticated  discovery  of  the  Mississippi 
would  incline  us  to  look  for  some  indication,  if  not  for  an  accurate 
portrayal,  of  the  great  river  on  sixteenth  century  maps,  especially 
those  drawn  by  Spanish  cartographers  and  based  on  the  reports  of 
Spanish  explorations.  Moreover,  as  eminent  scholars  have  held 
that  the  Mississippi  and  the  Rio  Espiritu  Santo  were  the  same,  it 
will  be  necessary  for  us  to  go  into  this  question  at  some  length.^ 
A  glance  at  the  numerous  early  charts  showing  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
does,  indeed,  reveal  a  formation  that  suggests  the  knowledge,  even 
before  De  Soto's  expedition  (1539-43),  of  an  unusually  large  stream 
emptying  into  the  sea  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Mississippi  Delta. 
In  1 5 19  the  governor  of  Jamaica,  Francisco  de  Garay,  sent  his 
lieutenant,  Alonzo  Alverez  de  Pineda,  in  command  of  a  small 
fleet  to  explore  the  Florida  coast  and  discover,  if  possible,  some 
strait  in  the  mainland  that  would  lead  to  the  western  sea.  On  this 
voyage  Pineda  coasted  the  Mexican  Gulf  and  reported  the  location 
of  an  imposing  river  which  he  ascended  for  about  six  leagues,  noting 
on  its  banks  some  forty  Indian  villages.  To  this  river  the  name  of 
Espiritu  Santo  was  subsequently  given,  and  it  appears  first  on  a 
map  of  1520,  known  as  Las  Castas  de  Tierra-Firme  y  las  tierras 
nuevas,  which  was  found  in  the  Spanish  Archives.^  The  map  was 
originally  sent  to  Spain  by  Garay  with  his  report  of  the  Pineda 
expedition.  The  peculiar  formation  of  the  Espiritu  Santo,  as  given 
on  this  chart,  was  adopted  as  a  standard  by  numerous  geographers, 
and  it  appears  on  a  large  number  of  sketches  such  as,  Maillo,  1527,^ 
Ribero,  the  royal  cosmographer  of  Spain  1529,"*  a  map  of  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  1536,^  and  Homem,  1558,^  not  to  mention  a  host  of 
others.  It  is  also  found  on  the  Cabot  Mappemonde  of  1554.'' 
Curiously  enough  the  delineation  on  all  these  charts  represents  a 

^  Harrisse.  Disc,  of  North  America,  p.  503.  J.  G.  Shea.  Disc,  and  Explor. 
of  Miss.  Valley,  pp.  XI.  Also  his  chapter  on  Ancient  Florida  in  Winsor.  Nar. 
&  Crit.  Hist.  Vol.  II,  p.  282.  W.  B.  Scaife.  America,  refutes  their  contention. 

2  Winsor.  Ibid.  Vol.  II,  p.  218. 

^  Ibid.  p.  219. 

*  Ibid.  p.  221. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  225. 
^Ibid.  p.  229. 
''Ibid.  p.  227. 


Mississippi  Valley  91 

large  bay  indenting  the  coast  at  the  peak  of  the  arch  forming  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico.  Into  this  bay  the  river  flows;  and,  whatever  may 
be  the  variations  of  other  geographical  features  on  these  maps, 
the  bay  is  always  prominently  shown.  The  actual  formation  of 
the  Mississippi  River  at  its  mouth  is  not  a  bay,  but  a  delta  pro- 
jecting into  the  Gulf  and  built  up  year  by  year  by  the  sediment 
which  the  great  stream  carries  down.  It  is  perhaps  natural  for  us 
with  our  more  extensive  knowledge  to  identify  as  the  Mississippi 
any  large  river  that  Pineda  may  have  seen,  in  fact  the  mere  state- 
ment that  he  had  seen  a  great  river  would  lead  us  to  jump  at  this 
conclusion.  Yet  the  Mississippi,  however  imposing  it  may  appear 
to  those  familiar  with  its  course,  does  not  impress  the  explorer,  who 
approaches  its  mouth  from  the  sea,  with  striking  evidence  of  its 
magnitude.  Some  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  from  its  outlet  the  river 
divides  itself  into  several  channels  that  flow  through  a  low,  marshy 
soil,  thus  forming  a  delta  that  thrusts  itself  out  into  the  Gulf  like 
an  open  hand,  the  fingers  spread  widely  apart.  As  Pineda  was 
coasting  along  the  shore  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  ascertain,  or 
even  to  guess,  that  the  several  channels  he  passed  many  miles 
apart  flowed  from  a  parent  stream,  nor  could  he  have  found,  by 
ascending  any  one  of  the  branches,  forty  towns  on  the  swampy 
and  uninhabitable  soil  of  the  delta.  Sailing  eastward,  however, 
he  could  not  have  failed  to  notice,  and  perhaps  to  explore,  the  bay 
known  to-day  as  Mobile,  whose  outline  resembles  so  closely  the 
indentation  shown  on  the  early  Spanish  charts.^  We  may  now 
turn  to  the  narrative  of  De  Soto's  expedition  and  see  if  it  contains 
any  hint  that  would  lead  one  to  connect  the  Mississippi  with  the 
Espiritu  Santo. 

The  chronicler  of  De  Soto,  who  accompanied  his  intrepid 
leader  on  his  famous  voyage,  mentions  a  great  river  (Rio  Grande) 
and  gives  it  a  location  that  enables  us  to  identify  it  with  the  Missis- 
sippi. He  did  not  speak  of  it  as  the  Espiritu  Santo  with  whose 
general  situation  he  was  fairly  well  acquainted,  nor  did  his 
contemporaries. 2  De  Soto,  it  is  true,  crossed  the  Alabama  and 
Tombigbee  Rivers  near  Mobile  Bay,  as  may  be  seen  by  a  glance 

^  P.  J.  Hamilton.  Colonial  Mobile,  1897,  considers  that  Pineda  discovered 
Mobile  Bay.  p.  10. 

^  Narrative  of  the  Gentleman  of  Elvas.  F.  W.  Hodge.  Spanish  Explorers 
in  Southern  U.  S.  1907. 


92  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

at  de  Lisle's  map/  and  thus  discovered  the  Espiritu  Santo  for  a 
second  time;  but  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  he  considered 
the  Mississippi  identical  with  either  of  these  rivers.  Castaneda  in 
narrating  Coronado's  expedition  into  modern  Texas  and  Kansas 
throws  no  further  light  on  the  subject.  He  tells  us  that  the  explorer 
found  a  stream  which  was  supposed  to  flow  into  the  mighty  river 
of  Espiritu  Santo,  discovered  by  De  Soto  and  his  men  in  Florida^ 
— a  plausible  enough  statement,  but  the  stream  in  question  prob- 
ably flowed  into  the  Mississippi  which  the  writer  confounded  with 
the  Espiritu  Santo.  Moreover,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  De 
Soto's  discovery,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  great  river,  was  not  given 
the  importance  at  that  time  which  we  now  ascribe  to  it.  De  Soto 
traversed  a  vast  territory  and  crossed  numerous  streams  among 
which  was  a  particularly  large  one,  the  Mississippi,  called  by  him 
the  Rio  Grande.  This  stream  was  never  given  on  subsequent  maps 
until  after  Marquette's  expedition.  In  fact  the  map  believed  to 
have  been  designed  to  show  De  Soto's  discoveries  together  with 
those  of  his  lieutenant,  Moscoso,  and  which  is  called  the  Golfo  y 
Costa  de  la  Neuva  Espana  (date  unknown,  but  probably  just  after 
the  expedition) ,  gives  a  bountiful  supply  of  rivers  flowing  into  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  including  the  Espiritu  Santo,  but  not  the  Rio 
Grande.^ 

Later  maps  disclose  the  impossibility  of  the  large  bay  being  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  The  Blaeu  world  map,  1605,*  and  that 
of  Hondius,  1611,^  give  the  well-known  bay  and  river  with  another 
stream  slightly  to  the  east  of  them,  whose  upper  waters  interlace 
with  those  of  the  Espiritu  Santo.  This  formation  has  a  somewhat 
vague  resemblance  to  actual  conditions  above  Mobile  Bay,  for 
the  Alabama  with  its  tributaries  the  Coosa,  the  Tallapoosa  and  the 
Cahawba  drains  the  same  region  as  the  Tombigbee  with  its  great 
eastern  tributary  the  Black  Warrior,  and  the  two  main  streams 
unite  their  waters  to  form  the  Mobile  and  the  Tensas  as  they  ap- 
proach the  Bay. 

*  Originally  published  at  Paris,  it  is  found  in  De  Lisle's  Atlas  Nouveau 
and  other  publications.    Winsor.    Ibid.  Vol.  II,  pp.  294  &  295. 

2  Narrative  of  Castaneda.    F.  W.  Hodge.  Ibid.  p.  339. 

*  A  copy  of  this  map  is  found  in  Harrisse.  Discovery  of  North  America. 
1892.  Harrisse  believed  it  to  be  a  chart  showing  the  discoveries  of  De  Soto  and 
Moscoso.  pp.  643  &  644. 

*  Edited  by  E.  L.  Stevenson.     Hisp.  Sac.  of  Amer. 

*  Edited  by  Stevenson  and  Fisher.  Hisp.  Soc.  of  Amer.  and  Amer.  Geog. 
Soc.  1907. 


Mississippi  Valley  93 

The  Jesuits  in  reporting  Indian  rumors  of  the  great  river  that 
frequently  came  to  their  ears  do  not  in  any  way  connect  that 
stream  with  the  Rio  Grande  of  De  Soto.  They  heard  rumors  of  a 
mighty  stream  leading  to  the  sea,  but  whether  it  flowed  to  the 
waters  of  Virginia,  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  or  the  Vermillion  Sea  (Gulf 
of  California)  was  something  they  were  unable  to  decide.  One 
writer,  indeed,  does  hint  that  it  may  lead  to  the  Bay  of  St.  Esprit 
(Espiritu  Santo),  yet  this  is  merely  guesswork  on  his  part  as  he 
admits  that  he  does  not  even  known  the  general  direction  of  the 
river.  After  Marquette  had  descended  the  Mississippi  to  the  Arkan- 
sas a  rumor  was  spread  abroad  to  the  effect  that  the  Mississippi 
emptied  into  the  Bay  of  St.  Esprit,  but  this  was  corrected  by  La 
Salle's  voyage  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  ten  years  later. ^ 
Sanson's  Amerique  Septentrionale  (1650)  would  appear  at  first 
glance  to  show  the  Mississippi,  for  by  a  peculiar  coincidence  the 
B.  de  Spiritu  Sto.  with  several  important  streams  flowing  into  it 
has  been  placed  in  almost  the  exact  location  for  the  Mississippi 
Delta,  a  position  which  it  occupies  on  earlier  maps  as  well.  Yet  it 
is  clear  that  the  cartographer  has  merely  followed  the  lead  of  his 
Spanish  predecessors  and  has  not  attempted  to  insert  any  feature 
disclosed  by  subsequent  information. 

Now  turning  to  Franquelin's  maps  of  1684  and  1688  we  find 
that  this  cartographer,  who  obtained  his  information  in  Canada 
after  La  Salle's  return  from  the  Mississippi,  has  swung  the  Missis- 
sippi river  far  to  the  west  in  order  to  avoid  the  Bay  of  Espiritu 
Santo.^  As  Franquelin  had  previously  drawn  a  sketch  showing  the 
Mississippi  emptying  into  the  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo  he  was,  no 
doubt,  led  to  correct  it  by  information  which  La  SaUe  obtained.' 
A  narrative  of  La  Salle's  voyage  says,  in  speaking  of  the  Missis- 
sippi :  'It  falls  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  beyond  the  bay  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  between  the  27th  and  28th  degrees  of  latitude,  and  at  a 
spot  where  some  maps  mark  the  Rio  de  la  Madelena,  and  others 

1  Dablon's  letter,  August  i,  1674.  J.  R.  LVIII,  p.  103. 

''  The  engineer  Raudin's  map,  Carte  de  V  Amerique  Septentrionale,  1689, 
(Harrisse.  Notes  sur  la  Nouvelle  France.  #241.)  shows  the  Mississippi,  which 
he  calls  the  Buade,  flowing  into  the  B.  du  S.  Esprit.  From  the  nomenclature 
on  this  chart  we  learn  that  it  is  probably  based  on  Joliet's  first  map,  1674, 
without  reference  to  subsequent  knowledge.  For  copy  of  map  see  Winsor.  Ibid. 
Vol.  IV,  p.  235. 

^  W.  B.  Scaife.  America.  Supplement  speaks  of  a  Franquelin  map  of 
1 68 1,  drawn  before  La  Salle's  expedition,  that  shows  the  Mississippi  flowing 
into  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo,  p.  162. 


94  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

the  Rio  Escondido:  it  is  distant  about  30  leagues  from  the  Rio 
Bravo,  and  60  from  the  Rio  Palmas,  and  90  to  100  leagues  from  the 
Rio  Panero,  where  there  is  the  nearest  settlement  of  Spaniards  on 
the  coast. '^  Here  is  conclusive  evidence  that  the  river  of  Espiritu 
Santo  which  emptied  into  the  bay  of  the  same  name  was  not  the 
Mississippi.  Since,  as  we  have  shown,  the  apparent  delineation 
of  the  Mississippi  that  appears  on  charts  prior  to  Marquette's 
voyage  in  1673  is  intended  for  Mobile  Bay  and  the  rivers  draining 
into  it,  the  great  river  must  have  been  unknown  to  cartographers 
until  after  Father  Marquette  had  explored  the  stream  and  brought 
back  a  report  of  its  geographical  features.  It  is  to  Father  Marquet- 
te, then,  and  to  a  certain  extent  also  to  his  companion,  Louis 
Joliet,  as  the  foremost  among  the  explorers  of  the  Mississippi,  that 
we  are  indebted  for  our  first  knowledge  of  the  Mississippi.  And 
now  before  embarking  with  the  Father  on  his  journey  let  us  subject 
all  reports  of  previous  expeditions  to  the  Mississippi  to  a  careful 
analysis. 

During  the  nineteenth  century  evidence  of  a  doubtful  character 
was  produced  showing  early  voyages  to  the  Mississippi  and  its 
tributaries.  A  brief  outline  of  these  claims  will  suffice  as  modern 
writers  have  rejected  them  as  worthless.  They  relate  to  the  al- 
leged voyages  of  Father  Jean  Dequerre  in  1652,  Father  Charles 
Drocoux  in  1657,  Father  Hugues  Pinet  in  1670  and  Father  Augus- 
tine de  Circe  in  the  same  year.  These  men  were  said  to  have  done 
missionary  work  among  the  Illinois  tribes,  and  some  of  them  were 
said  to  have  pushed  their  explorations  as  far  west  as  the  Mississis- 
sippi.  Even  Father  Allouez  is  credited  with  a  visit  to  this  part 
of  the  country  in  1668.  'Thus  it  will  be  seen,  that  for  twenty 
years,'  says  John  Law,  'to  wit,  from  1653  to  1673,  anterior  to  the 
discovery  of  Marquette  and  Joliet,  there  was  a  succession  of  mis- 
sions in  the  Illinois,  and  one  of  them,  that  of  Cahokia,  established 
on  the  very  banks  of  the  Mississippi,'^  Even  the  author  of  this 
passage  admits  the  meagerness  of  source  material;  the  original 
narratives,  whose  previous  existence  he  assumes,  have  never  come 
to  light,  and  the  only  available  records  are  those  preserved  in  the 

^Raymond  Thomassy.     Geologic  Pratique  de  la  Louisiane.    i860,  pp.  14 

&I5- 

2  John  Law.  Jesuit  Missionaries  in  the  Northwest.  Coll.  State  Hist.  Sac. 
Wise.  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  95  and  96.  A  paper  delivered  before  the  Young  Men's 
Catholic  Literary  Institute  in  1855. 


Mississippi  Valley  95 

Seminary  at  Quebec.^  To  brand  these  discoveries  as  impostures 
is  a  simple  matter  to-day  with  a  complete  record  of  Jesuit  activi- 
ties before  us;  for  on  consulting  the  Relations  we  find  no  mention 
of  the  Fathers  alluded  to,  except  Allouez  who  did  not  make  his 
voyage  to  the  Illinois  until  1677.  But  these  claims  were  attacked 
when  first  published;  indeed,  except  as  a  matter  of  record  they  are 
scarcely  worth  mentioning.  Certainly  no  modern  historian  would 
take  them  seriously.^ 

More  attention  must  be  paid  to  the  first  western  voyage  of 
those  famous  pioneers,  Pierre  Esprit  Radisson  and  the  Sieur  des 
Groseilliers,  in  1654-6,  as  it  brings  to  light  evidence  of  a  voyage  to 
the  Mississippi  River  that  is  well  within  the  bounds  of  probability.^ 
These  hardy  explorers  figure  prominently  in  Canadian  annals. 
Groseilliers,    much  the  older  of  the  two,  had  married  Radisson's 

1  Ibid.  p.  96. 

2  John  G.  Shea  in  a  letter  to  the  Catholic  Telegraph,  March  10,  1855, 
entitled,  Justice  to  Marquette,  roundly  attacks  Judge  Law  for  his  credulity. 
He  shows  by  his  own  researches,  and  by  quotations  from  such  authorities  as 
Faillon,  Martin  and  Viger  the  utter  worthlessness  of  Noiseaux's  compilations. 
He  closes  the  letter  with  this  statement :  'In  the  Exploration  of  the  Mississippi, 
I  offered  a  reward  for  any  document  of  either  Dequerre  or  Drocoux,  and  I  now 
offer  $100  for  any  such  document.'  This  letter  is  now  produced  in  the  Coll. 
State  Hist.  Soc.  Wis.  Vol.  Ill,  1856,  pp.  111-117. 

^  Considerable  confusion  has  existed  as  to  the  dates  of  Radisson's  various 
voyages,  but  Warren  Upham,  after  careful  study  has  assigned  the  date  of  the 
first  western  voyage  (third  in  the  sequence  of  the  narratives)  as  1654-6. 
Groseilliers  and  Radisson,  in  Coll.  Minnesota  Hist.  Soc.  Vol.  X,  Part  II,  p.  457. 

Conclusive  evidence  may  be  gleaned  from  this  quotation:  'On  the  sixth 
dayof  August,  1653,  two  young  Frenchmen,  full  of  courage  .  .  .  began  a  journey 
of  more  than  five  hundred  leagues  under  the  guidance  of  these  Argonauts, 
[i.e.  Outaouacs]  .  .  .  The  two  pilgrims  fully  expected  to  return  in  the  Spring  of 
1655,  but  those  peoples  did  not  conduct  them  home  until  toward  the  end  of 
August  of  this  year,  1656.'  Relation,  1655-6.  J.  R.  XLII,  p.  219.  It  is  general- 
ly conceded  that  the  tv>ro  referred  to  here  are  Radisson  and  Groseilliers. 

The  following  writers  have  reached  the  same  conclusion  as  to  the  date: 

R.  G.  Thwaites.    Wiscoiisin,  1908.  p.  39. 

Russell  Blakely.  Hist,  of  the  Disc,  of  the  Mississippi  River  and  the  Advent 
of  Commerce  in  Minnesota.     1896.  Coll.  Minn.  Hist.  Soc.  Vol.  VIII,  p.  329. 

H.  C.  Campbell.  Radisson  and  Groseilliers  states  that  the  journey  started 
in  1654.  p.  26. 

Some  authors  believe  that  the  voyage  occurred  1658  to  1659  or  1660. 
Parkman.  La  Salle  etc.  p.  XXV.  G.  D.  Scull.  Pierre  Esprit  Radisson.  p.  7. 
J  .N.  Davidson.  Missions  on  Chequamegon  Bay.  Coll.  State  Hist.  Soc.  Wis. 
Vol.  XII,  p.  434.  L.  P.  Kellogg.  Early  Nar.  of  the  Northwest,  says  that  the 
date  'cannot  be  determined  from  the  sources  now  available.'  p.  31.  From  the 
quotation  in  the  Relations,  given  above,  others  than  Miss  Kellogg  have  been 
able  to  determine  an  approximate,  if  not  an  accurate,  date.  Upham  is  prob- 
ably correct  as  he  has  analyzed  the  material  very  carefully,  and  has  drawn  up  a 
series  of  dates.  First  voyage  to  Iroquois,  1652-3.  First  to  the  west,  1654-6. 
Second  to  Iroquois,  1657-8.    Second  to  the  west,  1659-60. 


96  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

sister  thus  forming  a  relationship  that  led  to  close  associations  in 
business  interests  and  to  several  joint  expeditions.  On  returning 
from  their  last  western  voyage  (to  Lake  Superior)  thej''  were  fined 
for  trading  without  a  license,  a  punishment  that  impelled  them  to 
enroll  in  the  British  service.  They  were  then  dispatched  by  Prince 
Rupert  to  found  a  fur  trading  station  on  Hudson  Bay;  and  so  suc- 
cessful was  their  mission  that  it  kindled  the  enthusiasm  that  led 
to  the  organization  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  Radisson's 
narratives,  written  in  grotesque  English  by  a  Frenchman  unfamil- 
iar with  the  language,  are  somewhat  vague  and  are  susceptible  to 
varied  interpretations;  yet  authorities  generally  agree  that  some- 
time during  the  first  western  journey  the  explorers  reached  the 
Mississippi. 

In  i654Radisson  and  Groseilliers  started  for  Lake  Huron  by  way 
of  the  old  Ottawa  route.  They  reached  the  inland  sea  and  coasted 
along  the  western  shore  to  a  point  near  the  Sault.  Here  they  met 
the  Christino  Indians  who  invited  them  to  visit  Lake  Superior.  This 
offer  they  declined  for  the  reason,  as  they  expressed  it,  that ;  'We 
desired  not  to  goe  to  the  North  till  we  had  made  a  discovery  in  the 
South,  being  desirous  to  know  what  thej^  [the  Indians  to  the  south] 
did.'^  Then  passing  through  the  Strait  of  Mackinac  the  pioneers 
came  to  'the  delightfullest  lake  of  the  world  where,'  says  the  narra- 
tor, 'We  meet  with  severall  nations,  all  sedentary,  amazed  to  see 
us,  &  weare  very  civil.  .  .  .  Being  about  the  gi-eat  sea,  we 
conversed  with  people  that  dwelleth  about  the  salt  water,  who 
tould  us  that  they  saw  some  great  white  thing  sometimes  uppon 
the  water,  &  came  towards  the  shore,  &  men  in  the  top  of  it,  and 
made  a  noise  like  a  company  of  swans;  which  made  me  believe 
that  they  weare  mistaken,  for  I  could  not  imagine  what  it  could  be, 
except  the  Spaniard ;  &  the  reason  is  that  we  found  a  barill  broken 
as  they  use  in  Spaine.'-  Such  is  the  imperfect  narrative  that 
forms  the  basis  of  the  claims  of  Radisson  and  Groseilliers.  It  would 
seem  at  first  glance  as  if  the  explorers  had  reached  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  in  some  manner  or  other,  a  supposition  that  would  entitle 
them  to  the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi  route;  yet  it  is  inconceiv- 
able that  men  could  have  made  so  remarkable  a  journey,  and  then 

*  G.  D.  Scull.    Pierre  Esprit  Radisson.  p.  149. 
^ Ibid.  p.  151. 


Mississippi  Valley  97 

narrate  their  exploits  in  such  an  off  hand  fashion.^  While  some  are 
inclined  to  admit  that  Radisson  may  have  skirted  the  shores  of 
Lake  Michigan,  none  is  so  bold  as  to  credit  him  with  even  a  glimpse 
of  the  Mississippi  River,  while  at  least  one  historian  dismisses  the 
entire  story  as  pure  fabrication. 

Though  the  claim  that  Radisson  and  Groseilliers  discovered  the 
Mississippi  on  this  particular  occasion  is  set  at  rest,  there  is  fairly 
good  evidence,  now  generally  accepted,  that  they  reached  its  upper 
waters  the  following  year.  The  two  explorers  passed  the  winter  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Green  Bay,  and  when  spring  arrived  proceeded 
fifty  leagues  westward  until  they  reached  a  river,  where  they  re- 
mained three  days  engaged  in  making  boats.^  Ascending  this 
stream  they  came  in  eight  days  to  an  island  which  they  designate 
as  the  first  landing  isle,  and  here  they  made  their  headquarters. 
The  route  taken  by  the  pioneers  has  been  traced  from  Green  Bay 
to  the  Mississippi  at  a  spot  in  the  southeast  corner  of  Minnesota; 
thence  it  turns  up  the  great  river  to  Isle  Pelee,  known  to-day  as 
Prairie  Island,  an  island  between  the  Mississippi  and  its  tributary 
the  Vermillion.^    Here  Groseilliers  encamped  for  the  summer  while 

1  H.  C.  Campbell.  Radisson  and  Groseilliers  traces  the  voyage  down  hake 
Michigan,  but  denies  the  Mississippi  journey  largely  because  the  entire  expedi- 
tion lasted  but  two  years,  as  is  shown  by  the  dates  in  the  Jesuit  Relations  and 
Journals.  Lack  of  time  would  prevent  the  explorers  from  reaching  the  Gulf 
and  returning  for  their  subsequent  expeditions.  He  says:  'In  all  the  territory 
that  is  described  in  his  fourth  voyage  [he  should  have  said  the  third]  what 
would  be  so  likely  to  tempt  him  to  falsehood  as  the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi . 
pp.  26  and  27. 

Warren  Upham.  Groseilliers  and  Radisson,  rejects  the  entire  story,  saying 
that  Radisson  'seems  to  have  fabricated  the  story  of  that  year,  drawing  his 
general  descriptions  of  the  southern  half  of  Lake  Michigan  and  the  vast  region 
beyond  from  what  he  could  learn  in  conversation  with  the  red  men.'  p.  459. 

L.  P.  Kellogg,  in  her  edition  of  Radisson's  third  voyage,  thinks  that  his 
statement  regarding  the  great  sea  refers  to  Lake  Superior,  and  that  the  sailing 
vessels  were  those  on  Hudson  Bay.  Early  Narratives  of  the  Northwest,  p.  48 
footnote. 

G.  D.  Scull.  P.  E.  Radisson,  maintains  that  the  salt  water  refers  to  Hudson 
Bay.  p.  151.  footnote.  As  Radisson  states  specifically  that  he  went  south  and 
not  north,  it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  these  two  opinions  with  the  text. 

2G.  D.  Scull.    Ibid.  p.  157. 

'  This  is  the  route  traced  by  Warren  Upham.  Ibid.  pp.  462  and  463. 
Russel  Blakely,  however,  maintains  that  the  'landing  isle'  was  in  Lake  Saga- 
naga,  northern  Minnesota.  Hist,  of  the  Disc,  of  the  Miss.  River  etc.  Coll. 
Minn.  Hist.  Soc.  Vol.  VIII,  p.  335.  Upham  in  refuting  this  and  advancing 
his  own  claim  gives  six  reasons: 

1.  Distance  from  Green  Bay  and  geographical  features. 

2.  Hurons  and  Ottawas  encountered  were  settled  at  Prairie  Island. 

3.  Prairie  Island  is  a  good  corn  raising  country,  a  feature  noticed  by 
Radisson,  while  Lake  Saganaga  is  not. 


g8  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

Radisson  departed  on  a  four  months'  hunting  excursion  accom- 
panied by  a  party  of  Indians.  The  evidence,  though  lacking  in 
specific  details,  is  sufficiently  strong  to  convince  historians  that 
Radisson  and  Groseilliers  were  the  first  Europeans  to  navigate  the 
upper  Mississippi  River. ^  But  further  laurels  awaited  them;  for 
during  the  hunting  expedition  Radisson  had  the  opportunity  to 
make  other  important  discoveries.  'By  the  persuasion  of  some  of 
them  [Indians]/  he  tells  us,  'we  went  into  the  great  river  that 
divides  itself  in  2,  where  the  hurrons  with  some  Ottanake  &  the 
wild  men  that  had  warrs  with  them  had  retired.  .  .  .  This 
nation  have  warrs  against  those  of  [the]  forked-river.  It  is  so  called 
because  it  has  2  branches,  the  one  towards  the  west,  the  other 
towards  the  South,  which  we  believe  runns  towards  Mexico,  by 
the  tokens  they  gave  us.'-  What  stream  the  forked  river  repre- 
sented is  not  an  easy  problem  to  solve,  yet,  having  placed  our  ex- 
plorers on  the  Mississippi,  it  is  possible,  with  the  aid  of  imagination, 
to  make  a  shrewd  guess.  Assuming  that  Radisson  extended  his 
hunting  operations  towards  the  south-east,  he  would  eventually 
reach  the  Illinois,  'a  great  river  that  divides  itself  in  2' — that  is  the 
Des  Plaines  and  the  Kankakee.  The  Mississippi  answers  the  pur- 
pose of  a  forked  river  running  southward  towards  Mexico,  after 
receiving  the  Missouri,  which  is  the  branch  leading  to  the  west.  It 
is  probable,  too,  that  Radisson  did  not  connect  the  forked  river 
with  the  one  in  which  his  landing  isle  was  situated,  in  fact  there  is 
no  reason  why  he  should  have  done  so.^  Such  is  the  solution  gen- 
erally accepted;   but  a  fairly  ingenious  theory  is  offered  by  the 

4.  Radisson  says  that  in  starting  for  the  great  river  they  bade  farewell  to 
the  Indians  of  the  Sault  and  those  of  the  north. 

5.  Radisson  says  that  the  beavers  at  the  island  were  not  so  plentiful  as  in 
the  north;  showing  that  they  were  farther  south  than  the  previous  winter 
which  they  spent  in  northern  Lake  Michigan. 

6.  The  return  journey  was  first  south  then  north,  a  logical  course  for  one 
starting  from  Prairie  Island,  Ihid.  pp.  463  and  464. 

1  The  following  historians  admit  this  discovery: 

Warren  Upham.  Ihid.  p.  463. 

Russell  Blakely.    Ihid.  p.  306. 

R.  G.  Thwaites.  Wisconsin,  pp.  39-45. 

G.  D.  Scull.  Ihid.  p.  7. 

J.  N.  Davidson.  Missions  on  Chequamegon  Bay.  p.  434. 

Francis  Parkman.  La  Salle  etc.  p.  XXV. 

2  G.  D.  Scull.  Ihid.  pp.  167  and  168. 
'  Warren  Upham.  Ibid.  p.  478. 

Parkman.  Ibid.  p.  xxv. 

R.  G.  Thwaites.  Ihid.  pp.  39-45. 


Mississippi  Valley  99 

identification  of  the  forked  river  with  the  Missouri,  and  the  branch 
running  towards  Mexico  with  the  Platte,  a  supposition  inspired, 
no  doubt,  by  the  tendency  of  the  author  to  interpret  the  name, 
Mexico,  according  to  its  modern  geographical  meaning.^ 

Radisson  and  Groseilliers  discovered  the  Mississippi  River 
many  years  before  Father  Marquette  descended  its  waters;  but 
we  look  to  contemporary  maps  in  vain  for  any  record  of  their 
explorations.  There  is  no  indication  that  geographers  knew  any- 
thing of  Radisson's  wanderings,  in  fact  there  is  good  evidence  that 
the  two  explorers  kept  their  knowledge  to  themselves,  for  at  the 
close  of  his  narrative  Radisson  says:  'My  brother  and  I  considered 
whether  we  should  discover  what  we  have  seene  or  no;  and  be- 
cause we  had  not  a  full  and  whole  discovery,  which  was  that  we 
have  not  ben  in  the  bay  of  the  north  [Hudson  Bay],  not  knowing 
anything  but  by  report  of  ye  wild  Christinos,  we  would  make  no 
mention  of  it  for  feare  that  those  wild  men  should  tell  us  a  fibbe. 
We  would  have  made  a  discovery  of  it  ourselves  and  have  an  as- 
surance, before  we  should  discover  anything  of  it.'^  Furthermore 
these  narratives  were  not  written  for  publication,  but  for  the  enter- 
tainment of  Charles  II  of  England,  whose  service  Radisson  present- 
ly entered.  The  manuscripts  eventually  became  the  property  of 
Samuel  Pepys,  and  from  him  they  came  into  the  hands  of  a  book- 
seller from  whom  they  were  rescued  in  1750.^  Little  would  have 
been  accomplished  for  the  advancement  of  geographical  knowledge 
if  they  had  been  accessible  to  seventeenth  century  cartographers, 
since  modern  scholars  with  carefully  surveyed  maps  at  their  dis- 
posal have  found  much  difficulty  in  tracing  the  various  journeys. 
It  is  probable,  judging  from  their  general  character,  that  they 
would  have  done  more  to  obscure,  than  to  clarify,  existing  knowl- 
edge. 

The  Jesuit  Fathers  gathered  some  fragmentary  reports  of  the 
wanderings  of  Radisson  and  Groseilliers  which  leaked  out  despite 
the  silence  kept  by  the  explorers  regarding  this  their  first  western 

^  Russell  Blakely.  Ibid.  p.  329. 

2G.  D.  ScuW.  Ibid.  p.  172. 

'  L.  P.  Kellogg.  Early  Nar.  of  N.  W.  p.  32. 

Warren  Upham.  Ibid,  says:  'Groseilliers  and  Radisson,  on  their  return 
to  Lower  Canada  in  1656,  knew  of  the  great  river  running  southward  beyond 
the  lakes  of  the  St.  Lawrence;  but  they  refrained  from  communicating  their 
knowledge  to  those  more  able  to  comprehend  its  grand  significance,  as  the  first 
discovery  of  a  mighty  river  system  flowing  to  the  south  in  the  interior  of  the 
continent.'  p.  553. 


loo  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

voyage.  In  the  Relation  of  1655-6  we  find  mention  of  two  young 
Frenchmen  who  are  quoted  as  saying :  'There  are  in  the  northern 
regions  many  lakes  which  might  well  be  called  fresh- water  seas,  the 
great  Lake  of  the  Hurons,  and  another  near  it,  being  as  large  as  the 
Caspian  Sea.'  .  .  .  The  Relation  continues:  'We  were  told 
of  many  Nations  surrounding  the  Nation  of  the  Sea  which  some 
have  called  the  "Stinkards,"  because  its  people  formerly  lived  on 
the  shores  of  the  Sea,  which  they  call  Ouinipeg,  that  is,  "stinking 
water."  '^  The  only  valuable  information  given  here  is  the  refer- 
ence to  the  lake  as  large  as  the  Caspian  Sea,  by  which  is  meant  Lake 
Michigan,  as  Lake  Superior  was  not  visited  by  these  men  until 
later.  This  excerpt  throws  a  little  more  hght  on  the  extent  of  Lake 
Michigan,  though  the  reference  is  so  vague  that  it  produced  no 
impression.  The  upper  reaches  of  the  Mississippi,  evidently  known 
to  Radisson,  did  not  appear  on  any  map  until  the  Recollect  mis- 
sionary. Father  Hennepin,  and  that  famous  coureur  de  hois,  Daniel 
du  Lhut,  had  explored  their  waters.  Then,  in  1683,  there  was  pub- 
lished in  Hennepin's  book.  Description  de  la  Louisiane,  what  is 
probably  the  first  chart  of  these  regions.^ 

The  discovery  of  the  Mississippi  in  167 1  was,  at  one  time,  ac- 
credited to  La  Salle,  a  claim  based  upon  the  narrative  of  a  friend 
of  the  Abbe  Gallinee  who  asserts  having  heard  it  from  La  Salle's 
own  Hps.  La  Salle  accompanied  Gallinee  on  his  expedition  in  1669- 
70,  and  on  reaching  the  southern  coast  of  Lake  Ontario  abandoned 
the  party.  The  scant  details  of  his  journey,  set  forth  in  the 
Histoire  de  M.  de  la  Salle,  tells  us  that  in  1670  the  explorer  went 
from  the  Ohio  to  Lake  Erie,  then  up  through  Lake  St.  Clair  to 
Lake  Huron.  Then  proceeding  up  this  lake  he  rounded  the  cape 
at  Michilimackinac,  'and,  descending  from  north  to  south,  leaving 
the  Baye  des  Puans  towards  the  west,  perceived  a  bay  much  larger, 
at  the  bottom  of  which,  to  the  west,  he  found  a  very  beautiful 
harbor,  and  at  the  bottom  of  this  harbor,  a  river  which  goes  from 
the  east  to  the  west.^  He  followed  this  river,  and,  having  come  to 
about  280°  longitude  and  39°  latitude,  found  another  river,  which 

1  Relation,  1655-6.    /.  R.  XLII,  p.  221. 

2  Hennepin's  Carte  de  laNouvelle  France  etc.  Harrisse.  Notes  sur  la  Nouvelle 
France.     #352,  p.  234.     See  Winsor.  Ibid.  Vol.  IV  pp.  248  and  249. 

3  This  refers,  probably,  to  the  route  up  the  Chicago  River,  over  the  portage 
to  the  Des  Plaines  and  down  the  Illinois  to  the  Mississippi.  The  general  direc- 
tion of  the  Des  Plaines-Illinois  is  northeast  to  southwest. 


Mississippi  Valley  ioi 

adjoining  the  first,  ran  from  north  west  to  south-east  [Mississippi]. 
He  followed  this  river  to  36  degrees  of  latitude,  where  he  stopped, 
contenting  himself  with  almost  certain  hope  to  be  able  to  go  some 
day,  in  following  the  course  of  this  river  as  far  as  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
and  not  daring,  with  the  small  company  with  him,  to  hazard  an 
enterprise  in  the  course  of  which  he  might  encounter  some  obstacle 
too  great  for  the  forces  he  had  with  him.'^  The  statement  that  La 
Salle  reached  a  river  that  would  lead  him  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  is 
clear  enough  and  demands  attention,  but  there  are  certain  objec- 
tions that  have  led  to  its  denial  by  eminent  critics.  In  the  first  place 
the  narrative  is  given,  not  by  the  explorer  himself,  but  by  a  friend 
who  had  never  been  to  America  and  knew  little  of  its  geography, 
a  friend,  too,  who  might  be  suspected  of  ill-feeling  towards  the 
Jesuits,  and  inclined  to  minimize  their  discoveries.  Furthermore, 
and  this  is  important,  no  record  exists  that  La  Salle  himself  laid 
claim  to  such  a  discovery,  although,  since  the  Canadian  and  French 
governments  were  deeply  interested  in  the  exploration  of  a  western 
water  route,  it  would  have  been  to  his  advantage  to  do  so.  Later, 
when  La  Salle's  family  presented  a  memorial  to  the  King,  petition- 
ing for  certain  favors  out  of  consideration  for  their  distinguished 
kinsman's  services,  no  mention  was  made  of  a  discovery  prior  to 
1679.2  As  further  evidence  of  the  improbability  of  this  discovery 
we  may  note  that  the  Lake  Superior  map  (1670-1),  so  careful  as  to 

1  Pierre  Margry.    Ihid.  Vol.  I,  pp.  378  and  379. 

^  J.  G.  Shea.  Bursting  of  Pierre  Margry' s  La  Salle  Bubble.  1879.  The 
expedition  to  the  Mississippi  via  Lake  Michigan  is  here  dismissed  as  spurious 
on  the  ground  that  the  narrative  gives  no  names,  dates  or  details,  and  is  there- 
fore unreUable.  Dr.  Shea  is  also  inclined  to  reject  the  entire  story  because  the 
author  accuses  the  Jesuits  of  drilling  men  and  fighting  them,  when  there  is  no 
evidence  that  they  acted  otherwise  than  peaceably,  pp.  18  and  19.  Parkman. 
Ibid,  says:  'Seven  years  had  passed  since  the  alleged  discovery,  and  La  Salle 
had  not  before  laid  claim  to  it;  although  it  was  a  matter  of  notoriety  that  dur- 
ing five  years  it  had  been  claimed  by  Joliet,  and  that  his  claim  was  generally 
admitted.  The  correspondence  of  the  governor  and  the  intendant  is  silent  as  to 
La  Salle's  having  penetrated  to  the  Mississippi;  though  the  attempt  was  made 
under  the  auspices  of  the  latter,  as  his  own  letters  declare;  whUe  both  had  the 
discovery  of  the  great  river  earnestly  at  heart.'  pp.  25  and  26.  While  Dr.  Shea, 
a  great  admirer  of  Marquette,  may  be  accused  of  partiality  towards  his  hero, 
no  such  accusation  can  be  levelled  at  Parkman,  whose  weighing  of  the  evidence 
is  just  and  impartial.  A  memoir  of  Frontenac,  November  2,  1672,  discussed 
the  advisability  of  sending  the  Sieur  Joliet  to  discover  'the  South  Sea,  and  the 
Great  River  they  call  the  Mississippi,' a  good  proof  that  the  authorities  were 
ignorant  of  La  Salle's  exploits  in  this  quarter,  and  a  tolerable  one  that  the 
story  of  his  discovery  was  unfounded.  Paris  Docs,  in  Docs.  Col.  Hist.  N.  Y. 
Vol.  IX,  pp.  92  and  93. 


I02  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

details,  gives  not  the  slightest  hint  of  the  great  river,  though  it 
would  have  been  possible  for  its  author  to  have  secured  the  neces- 
sary data  from  La  Salle.  This  omission  is  not  proof  that  La  Salle 
did  not  make  the  discovery,  as  the  map  purports  to  have  been 
drawn  primarily  for  the  purpose  of  determining  the  location  of 
Jesuit  missions;  yet  it  is  doubtful  if  the  author  would  have  let 
slip  the  opportunity  to  include  such  an  important  item  of  interest 
in  his  drawing.  The  absence  of  any  reference  to  the  Mississippi  on 
maps  prior  to  the  discovery  by  Marquette  and  Joliet  in  1673, 
despite  the  now  fairly  well  authenticated  discovery  by  Radisson, 
and  the  rejection  of  other  claims  proves  somewhat  conclusively 
that  our  first  geographical  knowledge  of  the  river  is  due  to  the 
efforts  of  the  Jesuits. 

The  arrival  of  Jean  Baptiste  Talon  as  Intendant  of  Canada  in 
1665  gave  a  great  impetus  to  discovery  and  exploration.  Scarcely 
had  this  energetic  administrator  stepped  ashore  when  he  dis- 
patched able  men  imbued  with  his  own  restless  spirit  to  penetrate 
farther  inland  than  before,  some  to  the  west,  others  to  the  north- 
west, still  others  to  the  southwest,  who  were  to  make  written  re- 
ports of  what  they  observed,  and  were  to  take  possession  of  new 
territories  by  means  of  proclamations  and  the  erection  of  the  royal 
arms.^  Talon  believed  that  by  the  St.  Lawrence  and  its  tributaries 
one  could  reach  the  western  country,  and  even  find  the  route  to 
Mexico,  With  this  object  in  view  he  sent  out  La  Salle  towards  the 
south-west,  while  to  the  northwest  he  dispatched  St.  Lusson  to 
ascertain  the  possibility  of  a  communication  with  the  South  Sea.^ 
Later,  when  St.  Lusson  had  returned  from  his  expedition.  Talon 
wrote  enthusiastically  to  the  King  that  from  the  place  which  his 
emissary  had  reached  (Sault  Ste.  Marie)  it  was  no  more  than  three 
hundred  leagues  to  the  Vermillion  or  South  Sea.  He  said,  further- 
more, that  the  lands  of  the  western  literal  were  distant  no  more 
than  three  hundred  leagues  from  the  lands  which  the  French  had 
discovered,  at  least  such  was  the  impression  gathered  from  the 
savages  and  such  maps  as  were  obtainable.  It  seemed  as  if  there 
were  no  more  than  fifteen  hundred  leagues'  navigation  to  Tartary, 
China  and   Japan.^     The  King,  who  was  busy  with  European 

1  Letter  of  Talon  to  the  King,  Oct.  10,  1670.  Margry.  Ibid.  Vol.  I,  p.  82. 
-  Addition  to  the  memoir  to  the  King,  Nov.  10,  1670.  Ibid.  pp.  87.  and  88. 
3  Letter  of  Talon  to  the  King,  Nov.  2,  1671.  Ibid  p.  93. 


Mississippi  Valley  103 

affairs,  was  not  so  enthusiastic  about  exploration.  He  desired 
rather  a  concentration  of  settlers  for  purposes  of  defense  until 
peace  was  established  in  Europe,  and  begrudged  the  time  spent  in 
discovering  countries  too  far  inland  for  Europeans  to  inhabit.  Ex- 
ceptions were  made  in  the  case  of  regions  necessary  for  trade,  or 
which  might  be  held  by  other  nations  who  would  interfere  with 
Canadian  commerce,  and  also  in  the  case  of  explorations  that  might 
result  in  the  discovery  of  a  more  southerly  means  of  communica- 
tion with  France  than  the  St.  Lawrence  River.^  Fortunately  the 
King  considered  the  discovery  of  a  route  to  the  South  Sea  of  such 
paramount  importance  to  his  service  that  he  authorized  the  In- 
tendant  to  offer  a  substantial  reward  to  whomsoever  should  suc- 
cessfully accomplish  this  enterprise.'^  Talon  at  once  displayed  his 
accustomed  interest,  and  having  gathered  together  all  the  available 
information  dispatched  the  'sieur  Joliet  to  the  discovery  of  the 
South  Sea,  by  the  country  of  the  Maskoutens  and  the  great  river 
which  they  call  the  Mississippi,  that  is  thought  to  empty  into  the 
sea  of  California.'^  But  before  following  the  sieur  Joliet  on  his 
expedition  let  us  examine  the  information  collected  by  Talon 
and  see  to  what  extent  the  Jesuits  contributed  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  whereabouts  of  the  Mississippi. 

Although  ignorant  of  Radisson's  discoveries  Canadian  officials 
were  kept  informed  as  to  any  reports  of  a  great  western  river  that 
might  lead  them  to  the  sea.  Thus  they  had,  thanks  to  the  Jesuit 
Fathers  as  we  shall  see,  a  fairly  good  idea  of  the  Mississippi,  cer- 
tainly as  good  an  idea  as  could  be  expected  before  the  river  had 
been  explored.  They  knew  its  magnitude,  its  general  location, 
and  the  country  towards  which  it  flowed.  While  working  among 
the  Iroquois  a  Jesuit  missionary  heard  of  an  expedition  which 
these  savages  were  contemplating  against  a  hostile  tribe  far  to  the 
southwest,  and  inquiring  as  to  its  location  learned  of  the  existence 
of  a  great  river.  'Their  villages,'  says  Lalement's  Relation  of 
1661-2,  speaking  of  the  enemy,  'are  situated  along  a  beautiful 
river  which  serves  to  carry  the  people  down  to  the  great  lake  (for 
so  they  call  the  sea),  where  they  trade  with  Europeans  who  pray 

1  Letter  of  Colbert  to  Frontenac,  May  17,  1674.    Pierre  Clement.  Lettres, 
Instructions  et  Memoires  de  Colbert.    1865.  Vol.  Ill,  part  2,  pp.  578  and  579. 

2  Letter  of  Colbert  to  Talon,  June  4,  1672.     Paris  Docs.    In  Docs.  Col. 
Hist,  of  N.  Y.  Vol.  IX,  p.  89. 

^  Letter  of  Frontenac  to  Colbert,  no  date.     Margry.  Ibid.,  Vol.  I,  p.  255. 


I04  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

as  we  do,  and  use  rosaries  as  well  as  bells  for  calling  to  prayers. 
According  to  the  description  given  us,  we  judge  them  to  be  Span- 
iards. That  sea  is  doubtless  either  the  Bay  of  St.  Esprit  in  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  on  the  coast  of  Florida;  or  else  the  Vermillion 
Sea,  on  the  coast  of  New  Granada,  in  the  great  South  Sea.'^  As 
more  than  one  map  calls  the  Ohio,  la  belle  riviere,  the  river  des- 
cribed by  the  savages  was  probably  the  Ohio  and  the  lower  Missis- 
sippi, two  streams  that  combine  to  form  a  continuous  water  route 
to  the  Gulf.  Yet  despite  the  rumors  that  were  in  circulation  we  do 
not  find  that  the  Mississippi  was  mentioned  by  name  until  Allouez, 
writing  from  Lake  Superior  in  1667  speaks  of  it  as  the  dwelling 
place  of  the  Nadouesiouek  [Sioux].  He  says:  'These  are  people 
dwelling  to  the  west  of  this  place,^  toward  the  great  river  named 
Messipi.  They  are  forty  or  fifty  leagues  from  this  place,  in  a 
country  of  prairies,  rich  in  all  kinds  of  game.'^  Three  years 
later  Father  Marquette  wrote  to  his  Superior:  'When  the  Ilinois 
come  to  la  Pointe,^  they  cross  a  great  river  which  is  nearly  a  league 
in  width,  flows  from  north  to  south,  and  to  such  a  distance  that  the 
Ilinois,  who  do  not  know  what  a  canoe  is,  have  not  yet  heard 
mention  of  its  mouth.  ...  A  nation  that  they  call  Chaouanou 
[Shawnees]  came  to  see  them  last  Summer;  and  this  young  man 
who  has  been  given  me,  and  is  teaching  me  the  language  saw  them. 
.  .  .  They  had  come  overland  a  journey  of  nearly  thirty  days, 
before  reaching  the  country.  It  is  hard  to  believe  that  that  great 
river  discharges  its  waters  in  Virginia,  and  we  think  rather  that 
it  has  its  mouth  in  California.  If  the  savages  who  promise  to  make 
me  a  canoe  do  not  break  their  word  to  me,  we  shall  explore  this 
river  as  far  as  we  can,with  a  Frenchman  and  this  young  man  who 
was  given  me,  who  knows  some  of  those  languages  and  has  a 
facility  for  learning  the  others.  .  .  .  This  discovery  will  give 
us  full  knowledge  either  of  the  South  Sea  or  of  the  Western  Sea. 
Six  or  seven  days'  journey  below  the  Ilinois,  there  is  another  great 
river,  on  which  live  some  very  powerful  nations,  who  use  wooden 
canoes ;  of  them  we  can  write  nothing  else  until  next  year — if  God 
grant  us  the  grace  to  conduct  us  thither. '^   Thus  we  see  that  shortly 

1  Relation,  1661-2.    /.  R.  XLVII,  p.  147. 

'^  'This  place'  refers  to  La  Pointe.    See  below. 

'  Relation,  1666-7.    J-  R-  LI,  p.  53. 

*  Mission  of  St.  Esprit  on  Lake  Superior. 

*  Relation,  1669-70.    /.  R.  LIV,  pp.  189  and  191. 


Mississippi  Valley  105 

before  starting  on  his  joint  expedition  with  JoHet  Father  Mai'quet- 
te  had,  not  only  heard  of  the  great  river,  but  was  formulating  plans 
to  explore  it,  even  going  to  the  extent  of  learning  the  languages  of 
those  peoples  whose  territories  he  expected  to  traverse. 

Reference  to  this  stream  had  now  become  more  frequent, 
eagerness  being  displayed  by  government  officials  and  missionaries 
to  learn  its  full  particulars  from  nomadic  tribes  who  lived  on  its 
banks  and  came  in  contact  with  nations  living  farther  south. 
Father  Dablon,  whose  Relation  of  16 70-1  was  accompanied  by  the 
Lake  Superior  chart  already  mentioned,  gives  space  to  a  descrip- 
tion of  northwestern  geography  that  embraced  substantially  all 
existing  knowledge.  His  account  displays  a  strong  desire  to  collect 
whatever  information  could  be  obtained  on  the  subject.  Describ- 
ing the  territory  west  of  St.  Esprit  on  Lake  Superior,  he  says: 
'For  it  is  a  southward  course  that  is  taken  by  the  great  river  called 
by  the  natives  Missisipi,  which  must  empty  somewhere  in  the 
region  of  the  Florida  sea,  more  than  four  hundred  leagues  hence, '^ 
a  remarkably  accurate  estimate,  indeed,  of  the  distance  from  Lake 
Superior  to  the  Gulf.  And  continuing  he  writes  regarding  the 
Illinois  tribes:  'These  people  are  situated  in  the  midst  of  that 
beautiful  region  mentioned  by  us,  near  the  great  river  named 
Missisipi,  of  which  it  is  well  to  note  here  what  information  we  have 
gathered.  It  seems  to  form  an  inclosure,  as  it  were,  for  all  our 
lakes,  rising  in  the  regions  of  the  north  and  flowing  toward  the 
south,  until  it  empties  into  the  sea — supposed  by  us  to  be  either 
the  Vermilion  or  the  Florida  Sea,  as  there  is  no  knowledge  of  any 
large  rivers  in  that  direction  except  those  which  empty  into  these 
two  seas.  Some  savages  have  assured  us  that  it  is  so  noble  a  river 
that,  at  more  than  three  hundred  leagues'  distance  from  its  mouth, 
it  is  larger  than  the  one  flowing  before  Quebec;^  for  they  declare 
that  it  is  more  than  a  league  wide.  They  also  state  that  all  this 
vast  stretch  of  country  consists  of  nothing  but  treeless  prairies, — 
so  that  its  inhabitants  are  obliged  to  burn  peat  and  animal  excre- 
ment dried  in  the  sun,  — until  we  come  within  twenty  leagues  of 
the  sea,  when  forests  begin  to  appear.  Some  warriors  of  this  coun- 
try who  tell  us  that  they  have  made  their  way  thither,  declare  that 
they  saw  there  men  resembling  the  French,  who  were  splitting 

1  J.  R.  LV,  p.  97. 

^  St.  Lawrence  River. 


io6  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

trees  with  long  knives;  and  that  some  of  them  had  their  houses  on 
the  water, — for  thus  they  expressed  themselves  in  speaking  of 
sawed  boards  and  of  ships.  They  state  further  that  all  along  that 
great  river  are  various  tribes  of  different  nations,  of  dissimilar 
languages  and  customs,  and  all  at  war  with  one  another.  Some  are 
seen  situated  on  the  coast,  but  many  more  in  the  interior;  and 
so  they  continued  until  we  reach  the  Nation  of  the  Nadouessi,  who 
are  scattered  over  more  than  a  hundred  leagues  of  territory.'^ 
Such  being  the  information  at  the  disposal  of  the  Canadian  officials 
it  was  with  a  well-defined  purpose,  and  not  at  a  blind  venture,  that 
they  sent  Joliet  and    Marquette  on  their   important  voyage. 

Louis  Joliet  was  born  in  1645  of  humble  parentage,  and  at  an 
early  age  was  educated  for  the  priesthood  under  Jesuit  auspices, 
an  influence  that  rendered  him  partial  to  the  Order,  despite  the 
fact  that  he  never  underwent  ordination.  He  was  known  as  a  reli- 
able, industrious  man,  of  a  steady  character,  unrelieved  by  any 
display  of  genius  or  brilliancy.  Jacques  Marquette,  the  historian 
of  the  expedition,  was  at  this  time  in  the  full  vigor  of  manhood. 
He  was  ardent  for  missionary  work  and  he  had  been  sent  to  Canada 
in  1666,  where  he  remained  in  the  east  for  two  years  studying  the 
Algonquin  language.  He  was  dispatched  to  relieve  Father  Allouez 
who  had  charge  of  the  mission  at  Chequamegon  Bay  on  Lake 
Superior  (St.  Esprit),  at  which  post  he  remained  until  the  Sioux 
scattered  his  flock,  and  drove  him  to  take  refuge  in  the  Straits  of 
Mackinac.  There  he  founded  the  mission  of  St.  Ignace,  soon  to 
become  the  headquarters  of  Jesuit  activities  in  this  region.  Mar- 
quette's brief  life  (he  died  at  the  age  of  thirty-eight)  is  marked  by 
that  great  event,  the  exploration  of  the  Mississippi;  yet  it  would 
be  an  injustice  to  the  man  to  judge  his  greatness  solely  by  a  dis- 
covery which  to  him, was  of  but  secondary  importance  to  his  calling. 
His  entire  career  was  influenced  by  a  pious  devotion  to  his  Faith, 
and  an  unselfish  desire  for  the  conversion  of  the  Indians,  character- 
istics that  remained  with  him  until  his  death  on  the  shores  of  Lake 
Michigan. 

Marquette  and  Joliet  started  from  St.  Ignace  at  Michilimack- 
inac  on  May  17,  1673,  taking  with  them  a  map  constructed  in  ad- 
vance from  the  reports  of  Indians,  on  which  was  sketched  the 
country  to  be  visited  with  its  rivers,  routes  and  Indian  villages  as 

1  Relation,  1 670-1.  /.  R.  LV,  pp.  207-209. 


Mississippi  Valley  107 

its  authors  conceived  these  topographical  features  to  be.^  Skirting 
the  northern  shore  they  proceeded  up  Green  Bay  and  ascended  the 
Fox  River,  stopping  frequently  to  carry  their  canoes  around  ob- 
stacles which  obstructed  their  passage.  Following  the  trail  of 
Allouez  up  the  Fox  the  explorers  visited  the  Mascoutens,  a  tribe 
consisting  of  three  nations;  the  Mascoutens,  the  Miamis  and  the 
Kikabous.2  Marquette  knew  from  Allouez'  report  that  this  was 
the  road  to  the  Mississippi,  and,  doubtless,  he  took  this  opportun- 
ity to  verify  his  knowledge  by  fresh  inquiries,  for  he  says:  'We 
know  that,  at  three  leagues^  from  Maskoutens,  was  a  river 
which  discharged  into  Missi&ipi.  We  knew  also  that  the  direction 
we  were  to  follow  in  order  to  reach  it  was  west-southwesterly. 
But  the  road  is  broken  by  so  many  swamps  and  small  lakes  that 
it  is  easy  to  lose  one's  way,  especially  as  the  river  leading  thither 
is  so  full  of  wild  oats  that  it  is  difficult  to  find  the  channel.  For 
this  reason  we  greatly  needed  our  two  guides,  who  safely  conducted 
us  to  a  portage  of  2,700  paces,  and  helped  us  to  transport  our 
canoes  to  enter  that  river.'*  The  course  taken  by  the  explorers 
was  up  the  Fox  River,  lined  by  crops  of  wild  oats,  then  through 
Lake  Puckawaj''  and  Buffalo  Lake,  until  they  reached  one  of  the 
most  celebrated  portages  of  early  times,  the  Fox- Wisconsin.  'The 
river  on  which  we  embarked,'  continues  Marquette's  journal, 
*is  called  Meskousing  [Wisconsin].  It  is  very  wide;  it  has  a  sandy 
bottom,  which  forms  various  shoals  that  render  its  navigation  very 
difficult.  It  is  full  of  islands  covered  with  vines.  .  .  .  Our 
route  lay  to  the  southwest,  and,  after  navigating  about  30  leagues, 
we  saw  a  spot  presenting  all  the  appearances  of  an  iron  mine. 
.  .  .  After  proceeding  40  leagues  on  this  same  route,  we  arrived 
at  the  mouth  of  our  river;  and,  at  42  and  a  half  degrees  of  latitude,^ 
we  safely  entered  Missisipi  on  the  17th  of  June,  with  a  joy  that  I 
cannot  express.'^  And  indeed  we  cannot  blame  him  for  rejoicing, 
for  at  last  the  long-sought  river  lay  before  him.  Marquette  paused 
only  long  enough  to  ascertain  some  general  facts  regarding  his 
great  discovery.    'The  Mississipi  River,'  he  learned,  presumably 

-  Marquette's  First  Voyage.  J.  R.  LIX,  pp.  91-93. 
^Ibid.  p.  101. 

'  Obviously  an  error.     C.  W.  Butterfield  suggests  3  days'  journey  or  30 
leagues.     Hist,  of  Disc,  of  N.  W.  p.  68. 

^  Marquette's  First  Voyage.  J.  R.  LIX,  p.  105. 
^  Actually  on  the  forty-third  parallel. 
*  Ibid.  p.  107. 


io8  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

from  the  Indians,  'takes  its  rise  in  various  lakes  in  the  country  of 
the  northern  nations.  It  is  narrow  at  the  place  where  Miskous 
[Wisconsin]  empties;  its  current,  which  flows  southward,  is  slow 
and  gentle.  To  the  right  is  a  large  chain  of  very  high  mountains, 
and  to  the  left  are  beautiful  lands;  in  various  places,  the  stream  is 
divided  by  islands.  On  sounding,  we  found  ten  brasses^  of  water. 
Its  width  is  very  unequal;  sometimes  it  is  three-quarters  of  a 
league,  and  sometimes  it  narrows  to  three  arpents.  We  gently 
followed  its  course,  which  runs  toward  the  south  and  southeast, 
as  far  as  the  42nd  degree  of  latitude.'^  Then  after  a  short  digres- 
sion on  the  local  fauna  the  Father  proceeds:  'We  continued  to 
advance,  but,  as  we  knew  not  whither  we  were  going — for  we  had 
proceeded  over  one  hundred  leagues  without  discovering  anything 
except  animals  and  birds, — we  kept  well  on  our  guard.  .  .  . 
Proceeding  still  in  a  southerly  and  southwesterly  direction,  we 
find  ourselves  at  the  parallel  of  41  degrees,  and  as  low  as  40  degrees 
and  some  minutes, — partly  southeast  and  partly  southwest, — 
after  having  advanced  over  60  leagues  since  we  entered  the  river, 
without  discovering  anything.'^  Judging  from  these  calculations 
the  expedition  was  now  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Des  Moines  River, 
a  conclusion  justified, — as  we  may  see  by  examining  Marquette's 
map  of  this  region, — by  the  Father's  statement  that  he  perceived 
a  village  some  two  leagues  to  the  west  on  the  bank  of  another 
stream,  and  two  villages  on  a  hill,  half  a  league  from  the  first.'* 
The  narrative  continues:  'We  descend,  following  the  current  of 
the  river  called  Pekitanoui  [Missouri],  which  discharges  into  the 
Missisipy,  flowing  from  the  northwest.'^  The  Father  then  des- 
cribes very  graphically  that  peculiar  condition  existing  at  the 
junction  of  the  Missouri  with  the  main  stream,  for  when  passing 
down  the  river  he  heard  a  great  noise  as  of  a  rapid,  and  saw  that 
'an  accumulation  of  large  and  entire  trees,  branches,  and  floating 
islands,  was  issuing  from  the  mouth  of  the  river  Pekistanoui  [sic]'. 
He  says:^     'So  great  was  the  agitation  that  the  water  was  very 

^  A  brasse  is  5.328  feet. 

^Ibid.  p.  109.  A  few  miles  above  the  city  of  Clinton,  Iowa,  is  evidently  the 
place  indicated  here.  The  course  of  the  river  at  this  point  changes  to  a  south- 
westerly direction. 

^ Ibid.  p.  113. 

^  Ibid.  p.  115. 

^  Ibid.  p.  137. 

^  Ibid.  pp.  141-143. 


Mississippi  Valley  109 

muddy,  and  could  not  become  clear,  Pekitanoui  is  a  river  of  con- 
siderable size,  coming  from  the  northwest,  from  a  great  distance; 
and  it  discharges  into  the  Missisipi.  There  are  many  villages  of 
savages  along  this  river,  and  I  hope  by  its  means  to  discover  the 
Vermillion  or  California  Sea.  Judging  from  the  direction  of  the 
course  of  the  Missisipi,  if  it  continue  the  same  way,  we  think  that 
it  discharges  into  the  Mexican  Gulf.  It  would  be  a  great  advantage 
to  find  the  river  leading  to  the  southern  sea,  toward  California; 
and,  as  I  have  said,  this  is  what  I  hope  to  do  by  means  of  the 
Pekitanoui,  according  to  the  reports  made  to  me  by  the  savages. 
From  them  I  have  learned  that,  by  ascending  this  river  for  5  or  6 
days,  one  reaches  a  fine  prairie,  20  or  30  leagues  long.  This  must 
be  crossed  in  a  northwesterly  direction,  and  it  terminates  at  an- 
other small  river.  .  .  ,  This  2nd  river  flows  toward  the 
southwest  for  10  or  15  leagues,  after  which  it  enters  a  lake,  small 
and  deep,  the  source  of  another  deep  river,  which  flows  toward  the 
west,  where  it  falls  into  the  sea.  I  have  hardly  any  doubt  that  it  is 
the  Vermillion  Sea,  and  I  do  not  despair  of  discovering  it  some 
day.'  Marquette  continues:  'After  proceeding  about  20  leagues 
straight  to  the  south,  and  a  little  less  to  the  southeast,  we  found 
ourselves  at  a  river  called  Ouaboukigou,^  the  mouth  of  which  is 
at  the  36th  degree  of  latitude.^  ,  .  .  This  river  flows  from 
the  lands  of  the  east,  where  dwell  the  people  called  Chaouanons 
[Shawnees]  in  so  great  numbers  that  in  one  district  there  are  as 
many  as  23  villages,  and  in  another  district  15,  quite  near  one 
another.'^  The  Ouaboukigou  River  is  the  Ohio,  the  name  being 
a  variant  of  Oubache  or  Wabash,  an  affluent  of  the  Ohio,  and  fre- 
quently confounded  with  that  stream.  It  was  assumed  by  some 
cartographers — as  for  instance  Coronelli — that  the  Wabash 
debouched  directly  into  the  Mississippi.  Franquelin,  however, 
on  his  map  of  1684,  has  furnished  a  more  accurate  description; 
the  Ouabache  is  presented  as  a  tributary  of  the  Ohio,  which  latter 
is  called  Fleuve  St.  Louis.  The  Father,  after  passing  the  Ohio, 
continued  down  the  Mississippi.  He  found  near  the  thirty-third 
parallel  the  village  of  Mitchigamea,  and  eight  or  ten  leagues  below 
this  settlement  was  the  village  of  the  Akansea  tribe.*    Arriving 

1  The  Wabash  or  Ohio. 

*  Marquette's  observation  is  inaccurate;  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  is  on  the 
thirty-seventh  parallel. 
^Ibid.  pp.  143-145- 
*Ibid.,  pp.  151-153- 


no  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

here  the  pioneers  halted,  and  learned  from  their  hosts  that  they 
were  some  ten  days'  journey  from  the  sea;  but  Marquette  relying 
on  his  own  reckoning  of  33°  40'  of  latitude,  fairly  accurate  all 
things  considered,  and  believing  the  latitude  of  the  Gulf  to  be  31° 
60'^  (in  reality  the  Mississippi  Delta  lies  near  the  29th  parallel) 
estimated  that  a  two  or  three  days'  journey  would  bring  him  to  the 
ocean.  His  conclusions  regarding  the  course  of  the  great  river  were 
correct.  'Beyond  a  doubt,'  he  says,  'the  Mississippi  river  dis- 
charges into  the  Florida  or  Mexican  Gulf  and  not  to  the  east  in 
Virginia,  whose  sea-coast  is  in  34  degrees  latitude, — which  parallel 
we  passed,  without,  however,  having  as  yet  reached  the  sea, — 
nor  does  it  flow  to  the  west  in  California,  because  in  that  case  our 
route  would  have  been  towards  the  west,  or  the  west-southwest, 
whereas  we  had  always  continued  it  towards  the  south, '^  Marquet- 
te by  this  observation  determined  once  for  all  the  much  mooted 
question  as  to  the  direction  in  which  the  great  river  flowed,  and 
the  waters  into  which  it  emptied.  The  approach  to  the  western 
sea  was  closed  to  Canadian  explorers,  at  least  by  this  route,  unless 
they  took  the  very  doubtful  course  up  the  Missouri  and  Platte 
Rivers.  If  there  was  any  doubt  left  in  the  minds  of  Canadian 
officials  it  was  set  at  rest  ten  years  later  when  La  Salle  descended 
the  Mississippi  to  its  mouth.  One  cannot  emphasize  too  much  the 
importance  of  this  contribution  to  geographical  knowledge  made 
by  a  Jesuit  missionary.  It  opened  up  a  new  field  of  exploration  in 
the  central  portfon  of  the  North  American  Continent,  and  enabled 
subsequent  map-makers  (due  allowance  being  made,  of  course,  for 
the  finishing  touches  furnished  by  La  Salle)  to  portray  intelligently, 
if  not  accurately,  a  territory  that  had  previously  been  indicated 
merely  by  a  blank  space. 

At  this  point  the  explorers  determined  to  retrace  their  steps, 
being  induced  to  make  this  decision  through  fear  of  the  Spaniards 
whom  they  expected  to  encounter  farther  south.  Although  the 
astronomical  observations  made  by  the  pioneers  were,  as  we  have 
seen,  subject  to  appreciable  errors,  the  latitude  of  the  spot  at  which 
they  turned  back  was  calculated  with  surprising  accuracy.  This 
may  be  seen  by  examining  Joliet's  first  map  and  the  charts  of 
Thevenot  and  Marquette  all  of  which  show  the  Akansea  village 

1  It  is  not  clear  why  we  find  31°  60'  in  the  text  instead  of  32°. 
^Ibid.,  p.  158. 


Mississippi  Valley  hi 

on  the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi  opposite  the  mouth  of  a  river 
coming  in  from  the  west  and  called,  on  Joliet's  sketch,  the  Basire.^ 
North  of  this  river  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi  are  the 
Mitchigamea  Indians,  said  by  some  authorities  to  have  dwelt 
near  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Francis  River. ^  The  river  opposite  the 
Akansea  village  is  without  doubt  the  Arkansas,  whose  latitude  as 
given  on  modern  maps  is  very  close  to  that  given  in  Marquette's 
narrative.  Having  decided  to  return  the  party  ascended  the  Missis- 
sippi to  the  thirty-eighth  parallel,^  where  they  entered  another 
river,  the  Illinois,  which  flowed  through  fertile  fields  dotted  with 
many  small  lakes  and  streams.  This  route  took  them  to  Lake 
Michigan.  Marquette  says:  'That  [river]  on  which  we  sailed  is 
wide,  deep,  and  still,  for  65  leagues.  In  the  spring  and  during  part 
of  the  summer  there  is  only  one  portage  of  half  a  league.  We 
found  on  it  a  village  of  Ilinois  called  Kaskasia,  consising  of  74 
cabins.  .  .  .  One  of  the  chiefs  of  this  nation,  with  his  young 
men,  escorted  us  to  the  Lake  of  the  Ihnois  [Michigan],  whence,  at 
last,  at  the  end  of  September,  we  reached  the  Bay  des  Puantz, 
from  which  we  had  started  at  the  beginning  of  June.'* 

We  shall  now  proceed  to  examine  three  important  maps: 
Marquette's  original  drawing,  Joliet's  first  production,  and  the 
sketch  published  by  Theveiiot,  with  a  view  to  establishing  priority 
of  publication.  It  would  be  difficult,  and  perhaps  impossible,  to 
decide  with  any  degree  of  accuracy  which  map  of  the  Mississippi 
River  was  the  first  to  be  designed,  though  we  have  evidence  of  the 
first  to  be  published,  and  this  for  our  purpose  is  sufficient.  There 
were  in  the  expedition  of  discovery  two  men,  each  of  whom  was 
capable  of  making — and  both  did  make — an  intelligent  report," 
supplemented  by  a  reasonably  accurate  map  of  the  country  tra- 
versed. Father  Marquette's  narrative,  as  well  as  his  chart,  was 
sent  prior  to  October,  1674,  to  Father  Dablon,  who  prepared  the 
story  for  publication  and  gave  it  a  suitable  introduction.  This 
document  and  map  remained  in  the  Jesuit  archives  at  Quebec  for 
many  years  until  Father  Cazot,  the  last  of  the  Society  to  leave" 
Canada,  intrusted  the  archives  to  the  nuns  of  the  Hotel  Dieu.  In 
1844  Father  Martin  recovered  the  records  and  turned  them  over 

1  For  Joliet's  map  see  p.  115,  for  that  of  Marquette,  p.  113. 

2  J.  R.  LIX,  note  #38. 

'  So  states  Marquette.    Mouth  of  Illinois  is  nearer  the  39th  parallel. 
*Ibid.  pp.  161-163. 


112  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

to  Dr.  J.  G.  Shea,  who  rescued  the  priceless  chart  from  obHvion 
and  gave  it  to  the  world. ^  But  meanwhile  Dablon's  edition  of  the 
narrative  had  been  forwarded  to  France  at  the  request  of  the 
government  officials.  Here  it  would,  perhaps,  have  been  lost  to 
posterity,  as  the  government  had  discontinued  the  publication  of 
the  Relations,  had  it  not  been  seized  by  Thevenot  and  published 
in  his  Recueil  de  Voyages  in  1681.2  The  report,  as  printed  in  this 
compilation,  corresponds  very  closely  to  that  found  by  Dr.  Shea. 
In  fact  it  is  the  same,  word  for  word,  save  that  the  Thevenot  text, 
copied  probably  from  the  version  sent  by  Dablon  to  the  French 
Provincial  contains  a  passage  called  the  'Song  of  the  Calumet,' 
which  has  been  torn  from  the  original  manuscript  now  at  Montreal. 
The  original  has  also  a  more  lengthy  preamble  and  gives  the 
date  of  the  departure  of  the  expedition  from  St.  Ignace  as  May 
17,  whereas  the  Thevenot  version  gives  it  as  May  14.^  Theve- 
not embellished  his  narrative  with  a  map,  but  the  map  differs  so 
much  from  the  sketch  we  know  to-day  as  Marquette's  that  we  do 
not  hesitate  to  say  that  it  is  not  by  the  same  author.  It  was  taken 
from  a  chart  of  unknown  authorship  that  was  formerly  at  the 
Bihliotheque  Nationale,  and  bears  the  title:  Carte  de  la  Nouvelle 
decouverte  que  les  peres  lesuites  ont  fait  en  I'Annee  1672  et  continue 
par  le  P.  lacques  Marquette  de  la  mesme  compagnie,  accompagne  de 
quelques  francois  en  I'annee  1673  etc}  A  few  slight  differences  may 
be  noted  between  the  Bihliotheque  Nationale  map  and  the  Theve- 
not copy,  especially  in  orthography,  and,  what  is  strange,  the 
omission  on  the  latter  of  a  cross  indicating  the  southernmost 
point  of  Marquette's  journey,  with  the  inscription:  On  est  venu 
iusques  icy  a  la  hauteur  de  33  deg}    Thevenot  also  failed  to  repro- 

1  J.  G.  Shea.  Disc,  and  Exp.  of  the  Miss.  Valley.  i^^2.  Marquette's  map 
was  first  published  in  this  work.  See  also  pp.  XXXIII,  XXXIV,  LXXVII 
and  LXXVIII. 

^  Recueil  de  Voyages  de  Mr.  Thevenot.  1681.  See  chapter  entitled  Decouverte 
dans  V  Amerique  Septentrionale  par  le  P.  Marquette,  Jesuite. 

^  Thevenot  probably  copied  from  the  version  in  the  Jesuit  Archives  at 
Paris  as  this  version  contains  the  Song  of  the  Calumet.  Harrisse.  Ibid.  pp.  140 
and  141.    See  also  Bibliographical  Data.  J.  R.  LIX,  p.  294. 

*  There  is  a  copy  of  this  map  at  the  Harvard  Library,  Parkman,  #5,  listed 
in  Harrisse.  Ibid.  |f202.  Date  given  by  Harrisse  is  1673.  The  Thevenot  map 
is  listed  as  #342.  Translation  of  the  title  is:  Map  of  the  new  discovery  that 
the  Jesuit  Fathers  have  made  in  the  year  1672  and  continued  by  Father 
Jacques  Marquette  of  the  same  society,  accompanied  by  some  Frenchmen  in 
the  year  1673. 

^  They  came  as  far  as  this  at  33  degrees. 


Thevenot's  Map,  1681 

I'ulilishfd  hv  him  as  being  lh»t  of  Mari|iielte 


jx 


FAC  SIMILE 
DE  LA  CARTE 

1^       duPere  Man 


li 


QASSiN    DE  LA    FLORIDA 


FLO  RIDE 


Marquette   1675 


Mississippi  Valley  113 

ducGj^  possibly  because  his  map  is  a  very  much  reduced  copy  of  the 
original,  an  elaborate  design  representing  Jesuit  missionaries  in 
the  act  of  converting  the  Indians.^ 

The  Thevenot  chart  was,  until  Dr.  Shea's  discovery  of  the 
original  map,  universally  ascribed  to  Marquette,  and  unless  we 
consider  it  his  handiwork  its  authorship  must  remain  unknown. 
Yet  there  are  many  indications  that  the  Father  could  not  have 
made  such  a  design,  though  it  is,  no  doubt,  the  first  cartographical 
exposition  of  his  narrative  to  see  light  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
as  the  sketches  of  Joliet  were  not  published  until  much  later. 
A  comparison  between  the  two  maps  (Marquette's  drawing, 
found  by  Dr.  Shea,  and  Thevenot's  print)  discloses,  in  the  first 
instance  a  remarkably  accurate  delineation,  and  in  the  latter  such 
a  crude  design  as  to  preclude  the  possibility  that  the  two  were 
constructed  by  the  same  author.  Then  we  note  that  the  Mississis- 
sippi  is  called,  on  Marquette's  map,  R.  de  la  Conception,  while  on 
Thevenot's  it  bears  the  name,  R.  Mitchisipi  ou  Grande  Riviere. 
When  Marquette  began  his  hazardous  journey  he  made  a  solemn 
vow  to  name  the  great  river  Riviere  de  la  Conception,  in  honor  of  the 
Virgin  under  whose  protection  he  had  placed  the  success  and 
welfare  of  his  enterprise. ^  It  is  hardly  possible  then,  for  him  to 
have  been  so  forgetful  of  his  patron  saint  as  to  substitute  an  Indian 
name  for  the  one  previously  selected.  On  the  other  hand  the 
Thevenot  map  can  scarcely  be  the  work  of  Joliet,  for  he,  though 
a  great  admirer  of  the  Jesuits,  and  in  a  sense  their  protege,  would 
not,  in  all  probability,  have  issued  a  chart  which  bore  no  reference 
to  himself;  and,  moreover,  his  own  maps,  which  we  shall  discuss 
presently,  show  a  far  more  accurate  knowledge  of  the  territory 
represented  than  does  this  design.  The  work  in  question,  namely, 
Thevenot's  map,  indicates,  it  is  true,  numerous  places  mentioned 
in  Marquette's  journal,  such  as  the  Manitou,  the  iron  mines  and 
several  Indian  tribes — a  fact  that  shows  it  to  have  been  based  on 
the  Father's  account — but  nothing  can  be  proved  by  this  save 
that  the  author  had  first-hand  information.  From  this  we  can, 
with  little  hesitation,  ascribe  the  map  to  the  Jesuits.  The  design 
at  the  lower  end  of  the  original  chart  (omitted  on  Thevenot's 
reproduction)  showing  a  priest  in  the  act  of  converting  two  savages, 

1  The  copy  we  give  on  p.  1 13  is  from  Thevenot's  book. 

2  Marquette's  First  Voyage.  J.  R.  LIX,  p.  93. 


114  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

and  the  inscription  telling  of  the  discovery  by  the  Jesuits  in  1672 
(a  statement  somewhat  at  variance  with  the  facts,  as  there  were 
no  Jesuits  in  this  region  prior  to  1673)  ^^^  fairly  good  proofs  of 
this  conclusion. 

The  map  which  we  know  to  be  Marquette's  original,  and  prob- 
ably his  only,  effort  is  now  at  St.  Mary's  College,  Montreal,  a 
facsimile  having  been  published  by  Dr.  Shea  in  1852.^  It  repre- 
sents, with  the  exception  of  Lake  Superior,  merely  the  route  tra- 
versed by  Marquette,  even  the  eastern  shore  of  Lake  Michigan 
being  traced  by  a  dotted  line,  so  careful  was  the  author  to  show 
only  those  places  with  which  he  was  personally  acquainted.  But 
this  defect,  if  we  can  call  it  such,  is  compensated  for  by  a  style  of 
execution  that  would  do  credit  to  a  skilled  designer.  The  Missis- 
sippi is  shown  only  from  its  junction  with  the  Wisconsin  to  the 
mouth  or  the  Arkansas  where  the  party  turned  back.  Marquette 
has  drawn  those  tributaries  of  the  great  river,  as  he  describes  them 
in  his  journal,  and  he  makes  no  attempt  to  trace  them  back  to 
some  imaginary  sources  or  to  decorate  them  with  possible  affluents. 
It  is  refreshing  to  turn  to  such  a  work  executed  with  a  strict  atten- 
tion to  detail,  erected  on  a  firm  foundation  of  fact,  and  one  in  which 
the  author  attempts  to  impart  his  knowledge  unadorned  by  any 
flights  of  fancy. 

As  rivals  for  priority  we  have  the  maps  of  Marquette's  com- 
panion, Joliet,  whose  earliest  work  is  said  to  have  been  constructed 
in  1674-  When  Joliet  returned  to  Montreal  after  parting  with 
Marquette  he  suffered  the  misfortune  of  losing  his  papers,  among 
which  was  a  chart,  when  his  canoe  upset  in  a  rapid.  Thus  Mar- 
quette's journal  became  the  valuable  record  of  the  expedition,  and 
the  one  on  which  our  knowledge  of  the  discovery  is  based.  But 
as  Marquette  had  remained  at  Michilimackinac  instead  of  coming 
east,  Joliet  at  Frontenac's  request  made  a  fresh  map  and  drew  up 
a  brief  account  of  his  experiences  from  memory.  These  documents 
were  forwarded  to  Colbert.  The  narrative  thus  compiled  contains 
only  a  short  summary  of  the  route  taken  by  the  explorers,  and  a 
brief  description  of  the  great  discovery  they  had  made.  By  itself 
the  report  would  be  meager,  but  Joliet  accompanied  it  by  a  chart 

1  Shea.  Disc,  and  Exp.  of  Miss.  Valley.  There  is  also  a  copy  at  the  Carter 
Brown  Library  which  contains  interpolations  not  on  the  original. 

^  Gabriel  Gravier.  Etude  sur  une  Carte  Inconnue.  Revue  de  Geographic. 
Vol.  VI.  1880  p.  81. 


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Mississippi  Valley  115 

which  formed  the  basis  of  severa]  others  that  vary  considerably  in 
tracing  and  nomenclature.  The  first  of  the  series,  and  the  one  that 
is  considered  by  some  experts  to  be  the  oldest  map  of  the  Missisippi, 
was  drawn  by  Joliet  immediately  after  his  return  to  Montreal.^ 
Its  title  is,  Decouuerte  de  Plusieurs  Nations  Dans  la  nouelle  France 
en  I'annee  1673  et  1674.^  The  workmanship  is  crude,  it  must  be 
confessed,  but  it  would  appear  that  the  author  was  interested  only 
in  depicting  the  Mississippi  Valley  and  the  waters  leading  to  it. 
In  order  to  round  out  his  chart  he  outlines  nearly  the  entire  North 
American  Continent,  leaving  the  eastern  coast  void  of  all  geo- 
graphical features  and  representing  it  by  a  straight  line  from  Nova 
Scotia  to  Florida.  In  drawing  the  great  river  Joliet  excels  the 
Thevenot  chart,  though  he  falls  far  short  of  Marquette.  The 
Mississippi  is  shown  under  the  name  of  Buade  (the  family  name  of 
Frontenac)  in  its  entire  length  from  its  source  in  three  imaginary 
lakes  to  its  mouth  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Its  tributaries  are  the 
same  as  those  on  Marquette's  chart.  The  western  section  of  the 
map  is  covered  by  a  letter  written  by  Joliet  to  Frontenac,  in  which 
the  writer  describes  the  Mississippi  Valley,  especially  in  regard 
to  its  fauna  and  flora.  This  map  probably  did  not  see  the  light 
immediately;^  at  any  rate  it  is  certain  that  neither  it  not  its  fellows 
were  published  for  general  distribution  when  the  Thevenot  sketch 
appeared,  but  remained  hidden  away  in  the  government  archives.* 
Several  other  maps,  as  we  have  said,  were  designed  by  Joliet. 
His  larger  chart,  as  it  is  sometimes  called,  was  constructed,  ac- 
cording to  expert  opinion,  about  1674,  as  the  presence  of  Fort 
Frontenac  on  the  map  gives  a  clue  to  the  date.  It  shows  the  Great 
Lakes  and  the  Mississippi  from  its  source  to  a  spot  just  below  the 
Ohio,  but  not  far  enough  south  to  mark  the  spot  reached  by  the 
explorers.  Lake  Erie,  represented  by  a  triangle  on  the  first  map, 
now  assumes  a  more  familiar  form,  though  the  other  lakes  are  not 

1  A  copy  of  this  map  may  be  found  in  Ibid,  and  also  in  J.  R.  LIX,  p.  86. 
Gravier  considers  it  the  first  map  of  the  Mississippi.    See  Ibid.  p.  loi. 

2  Discovery  of  several  nations  in  New  France  in  the  year  1673  and  1674. 
This  inscription  is  somewhat  blurred  on  our  copy  on  p.  115. 

3  Winsor.  Nar.&  Crit.  Hist.  Vol.  IV,  p.  209. 

*  Gravier.  Ibid,  says  that  all  Joliet's  charts  remained  unpublished  until 
Marquette's  rudimentary  sketch  (he  refers  to  the  Thevenot  map)  had  gone 
through  four  impressions,    p.  8i. 


ii6  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

greatly  improved.^  Beneath  the  map  itself  is  a  letter  from  Fron- 
tenac  to  Colbert,  substantially  the  same  as  the  one  written  by 
Joliet  on  his  first  chart.  Probably  this  larger  map  is  the  one  sent 
by  the  Canadian  governor  to  the  French  minister  with  his  letter 
of  November  ii,  1674,  and  an  effort  was  made  to  please  Colbert 
by  changing  the  name  of  the  Riviere  de  Buade  to  Riviere  Colbert, 
and  substituting  on  the  territory  between  the  Wisconsin  and 
Illinois  Rivers  the  title  of  La  Colhertie  for  La  Frontenacie? 

There  is  another  map  of  doubtful  authorship  of  about  1681, 
which  has  been  variously  attributed  to  Joliet  and  to  Franquelin. 
It  covers  the  same  territory  as  Joliet's  first  map,  and  is  called, 
'Carte  Grille.  [Generale]  de  la  France  Septentrionalle  contenant  la 
decouuerte  du  'pays  des  Illinois  Faite  par  le  sieur  Jolliet.'^  It  appears 
to  be  a  combination  of  Joliet 's  outline  of  the  Mississippi  with 
Franquelin's  skill  of  execution,  especially  along  the  Atlantic 
coastline  which  now  takes  on  a  more  nearly  correct  form,  being 
indented  with  the  necessary  bays  and  inlets.  It  is  probably  the 
work  of  Franquelin  since  it  bears  the  inscription:  Joannes  Ludo- 
vicus  Franquelin  pinxit}  Furthermore,  it  is  highly  improbable  that 
Joliet,  who  was  not  a  skilled  draughtsman,  could  improve  his  first 
production  in  its  techincal  form,  while  Franquelin,  the  trained  en- 
graver, would,  on  this  his  first  attempt  to  portray  the  Mississippi 
Valley,  naturally  have  turned  to  Joliet's  map  as  the  principal 
source  of  information.^ 

Joliet  and  Marquette,  then,  are  the  two  from  whom  we  draw 
our  knowledge  of  the  Mississippi  expedition,  and  our  greater 
knowledge  comes  from  Marquette.     Joliet's  narrative  was  lost 

1  Carte  de  la  Decouuerte  du  Sr.  Jolliet  etc.  listed  in  Harrisse.  Ihid.  #203  and 
dated  1674.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Barlow  collection.  Shea  and  Clarke  be- 
lieve it  to  be  a  copj^  of  the  original  Joliet  map  with  the  Ohio  added  by  someone 
else.    Winsor.    Ihid.  Vol.  IV,  pp.  212-213. 

2  The  letter  referred  to  is  given  in  Margry.  Ihid.  pp.  257-270  with  Joliet's 
report.  It  is  given  without  report,  but  dated  Nov.  14  instead  of  Nov.  11  in 
Paris  Docs.  Vol.  IX,  pp.  116-121. 

^  General  map  of  Northern  France  containing  the  discovery  of  the  country 
of  the  Illinois  made  by  the  Sieur  Jolliet. 

*  Various  Latin  words  were  used  on  maps  to  denote  their  authorship. 
Pinxit,  pinx.,  p.,  or  invenit — inv.  were  those  indicating  the  designer.  H.  W. 
Singer  and  Wm.  Strang.  Etching,  Engraving  and  Other  Mod  of  Printing  Pic- 
tures.   1897,  gives  a  list  of  Latin  words  and  their  meaning,  pp.  40-42. 

°  That  Franquelin  is  the  author  is  held  by  Harrisse.  Ihid.  who  lists  the  map 
as  #214,  and  by  Parkman.  La  *SaZZe  ete.  p.  454.  Gravier  thinks  that  the  work 
is  by  Joliet  with  Franquelin  as  the  draughtsman.  Etude  sur  une  Carte  In- 
connue.  p.  85. 


Mississippi  Valley  117 

by  ship  wreck,  his  maps  were  not  published  but  were  placed  in 
safekeeping,  and  his  report  is  too  condensed  to  give  much  informa- 
tion. On  the  other  hand  Marquette's  lengthy  and  interesting  ac- 
count was  published  in  extenso  in  1681,  accompanied  by  a  chart, 
which  though  not  his  handiwork,  was  probably  designed  by  his 
Jesuit  co-workers.  It  is  then  from  exclusively  Jesuit  sources  that 
the  geographical  knowledge  of  the  Mississippi  Basin  became  known 
to  the  world  at  large. 

A  map  of  uncertain  date,  which  for  want  of  a  better  designation 
we  may  call  the  Mission  Map,  since  it  shows  by  means  of  crosses 
the  locations  of  numerous  missions,  is  worthy  of  consideration,  not 
so  much  because  of  its  intrinsic  value,  but  on  account  of  its  puta- 
tive Jesuit  origin.  In  addition  to  the  established  missions  we  find 
two  outposts  where  the  Gospel  had  been  preached,  namely  at 
Akenza  on  the  lower  Mississippi,  where  Father  Marquette  had 
proclaimed  the  Faith,^  and  on  the  shores  of  Lac  Alimihig.  [Lake 
Nipigon],  where  Father  Allouez  had  said  Mass  in  a  rude  chapel  of 
branches.^  The  spot  where  Father  Menard  died  is  also  indicated. 
In  attempting  to  establish  by  internal  evidence  the  approximate 
date  at  which  the  map  was  designed  we  are  confronted  by  several 
helpful  facts.  A  rough  outline  of  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Missis- 
sippi rising  in  various  lakes  is  drawn  in  accordance  with  Marquette's 
report.  Here  a  said  (waterfall)  is  indicated,  but  the  sketch  is  not 
accurate  enough  to  show  any  familiarity  with  the  journey  of 
Father  Hennepin  (1680),  who  was  the  first  to  discover  a  waterfall 
in  this  locality.  Yet  even  though  the  author  of  the  chart  had  seen 
the  friar's  narrative,  there  would  have  been  no  object  in  attempting 
accuracy  in  this  quarter,  since  there  were  no  Jesuit  missions  (nor, 
for  that  matter,  any  other  missions)  located  there.  Failure  to 
show  on  the  map  the  lowest  portion  of  the  Mississippi  discovered 
by  La  Salle  in  1682  may  also  be  attributed  to  the  absence  of  mis- 
sions in  that  locality,  although  Parkman  is  inclined  to  assume  that 
the  chart  was  designed  before  La  Salle's  expedition.^    Taking  the 

1  Marquette's  First  Voyage.  J.  R.  LIX,  pp.  153-155. 

-  Relation,  1666-7.  J-  R-  LT,  p.  67. 

3  The  Mission  Map  is  ^^  in  the  Parkman  Collection.  Parknian  says: 
'The  map  is  remarkable  as  including  a  representation  of  the  Upper  Mississippi, 
based,  perhaps,  on  reports  of  Indians  ...  It  is  possible  that  the  map  may  be  of 
later  date  than  at  first  appears,  and  that  it  may  have  been  drawn  in  the  interval 
between  the  return  of  Hennepin  from  the  Upper  Mississippi  and  that  of  La 
Salle  from  his  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the  river.'  La  Salle,  p.  452.  This 
would  make  the  date  between  1680  and  1683. 


ii8  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

chart  as  a  whole  it  is  quite  evident  that  its  designer's  object  was 
to  indicate  the  ground  covered  by  Jesuit  missionaries  in  the 
Great  Lake  Region  and  the  upper  Mississippi  Valley,  and  for  this 
purpose  it  was  unnecessary  for  him  to  draw  from  other  sources 
than  the  Relations.  A  significant  point  as  to  the  date  is  found  on 
the  northern  part  of  the  map  where  there  is  shown  a  R.  des  As- 
sinepouel  flowing  from  a  lake  of  the  same  name,  and  bearing  the 
legend:  Les  Kilistinouk  disent  auoir  ueu  un  grand  navire  qui 
hiuerna  a  V embouchure  de  ce  fleuue,  Us  auroient  fait  une  maison 
d'un  coste  et  Vautre  un  fort  de  hois}  This  river  is  without  much 
doubt  intended  for  the  Nelson,  a  stream  running  from  Lake  Winni- 
peg to  Hudson  Bay,  as  we  may  see  by  comparing  a  modern  map 
with  that  of  Franquelin,  1688,  on  which  the  Bourbon  (Nelson) 
River  is  shown  coming  from  the  Lac  des  Assinihouels  (probably 
Lake  Winnipeg)  after  passing  through  the  Lac  des  Christinaux 
(Kilistinons.).  The  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  refers,  we  be- 
lieve, either  to  the  one  erected  by  the  French,  or  to  one  built  by 
the  English  in  this  locality  in  1682.^  The  quotation  on  the  Mission 
Map  does  not  at  first  appear  to  have  been  taken  from  the  report 
of  Indians,  but  from  Father  Allouez'  journal,  published  in  the 
Relation  of  1666-7.  Here  the  Father  speaks  of  the  KiKstinouc  who 
dwell  along  the  great  river  emptying  into  a  bay,  which  is  presum- 
ably that  of  Hudson,  and  he  continues:  'One  of  their  old  men 
declared  to  me  that  he  had  himself  seen,  at  the  mouth  of  the  River 
of  the  Assinipoualac,  some  people  allied  to  the  KiKstinouc,  whose 
country  is  still  farther  northward.  He  told  me  further  that  he  had 
also  seen  a  house  which  the  Europeans  had  built  on  the  mainland, 
out  of  boards  and  pieces  of  wood;  and  that  they  held  books  in 
their  hands,  like  the  one  he  saw  me  holding  when  he  told  me  this.'^ 
This  report  it  will  be  noticed,  makes  no  mention  of  any  fortification, 
so  that  it  is  quite  probable  that  the  legend  on  the  map  refers  to  a 
subsequent  report  brought  down  by  Indians  after  the  fort  had 
been  constructed,  which  would  make  the  date  of  the  map  later  than 
1682,  but  how  much  later  it  is  impossible  to  determine. 

1  The  Kilistinons  say  that  they  saw  a  large  vessel  that  wintered  at  the 
mouth  of  this  river,  they  [the  crewj  had  made  a  house  on  one  side  and  on  the 
other  a  fort  of  wood. 

2  George  Bryce.  The  Remarkable  History  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company. 
p.  50.  To  be  exact  the  English  fort  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  Nelson  River, 
while  the  French  fort  was  clost  to  it  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hayes. 

3  Relation,  1666-7.    J.  R.  LI,  p.  57. 


Mississippi  Valley  119 

We  come  now  to  a  chart  which  is  valuable  for  our  discussion 
principally  as  the  work  of  a  Jesuit  who  was  particularly  concerned 
with  the  progress  of  geographical  discovery.  Father  Pierre  Raf- 
feix,  whose  work  among  the  Iroquois  has  already  been  mentioned, 
is  the  author  of  a  map  known  as  Parties  les  Plus  Occidentales  du 
Canada,  which  is  assigned  to  1683  by  one  authority  and  to  1688 
by  another,^  The  purpose  of  this  chart  is  to  show  the  various 
expeditions  made  to  the  Mississippi  River,  and  to  illustrate 
the  routes  that  could  be  used  to  reach  the  mighty  stream.  The 
territory  covered  in  the  sketch  extends  from  Lake  Superior 
south  to  the  thirty-fifth  parallel,  a  spot  just  below  the  Ohio 
River.  Three  voyages  are  represented:  that  of  Joliet  and  Mar- 
quette in  1673  (Raffeix  erroneously  gives  the  date  as  1672);  Du 
Lhut's  exploration  of  the  upper  Mississippi;  and  La  Salle's  voyage 
to  the  Illinois  River  in  1679.  An  interesting  feature  shown  on  the 
sketch  is  a  trail  extending  from  a  village  on  the  Senontouans 
(Senecas)  to  the  source  of  the  Alleghany,  whence  one  may  descend 
to  the  sea,  a  route  based,  no  doubt,  on  information  gathered  by 
Raffeix  during  his  sojourn  among  the  Iroquois,  or  possibly  on 
information  derived  from  La  Salle.  The  date  assigned  by  one 
authority,  is  the  earliest  possible  date  (1683)  at  which  the  chart 
could  have  been  produced,  for  in  commenting  on  La  Salle's  journey 
of  1679  Raffeix  places  on  the  map  the  statement  that  'Mr.  de  la 
Salle  escrit  qu'en  1681  il  descendit  sm  le  Mississippi  et  qu'il  a  Este 
jusqua  la  mer.'"^  La  Salle,  though  he  started  on  his  voyage  in  1681, 
did  not  discover  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  until  the  following 
year.  On  his  return  to  Michilimackinac  he  sent  the  great  news  to  a 
friend  in  France,  but  excused  himself  from  making  a  detailed  re- 
port at  that  time.^  Dr.  Kohl  holds  the  opinion  that  the  chart 
could  not  have  been  designed  later  than  1685,  since  Raffeix  does 
not  mention  La  Salle's  expedition  by  sea  to  the  Gulf  in  1684;  but 
as  Raffeix  makes  no  attempt  to  portray  territory  below  the  thirty- 
fifth  parallel,  even  in  illustrating  the  journey  of  Joliet  and  Mar- 
quette, who  descended  to  latitude  33°  40' ,  reference  to  a  sea  voyage 

^  J.  G.  Kohl  gives  the  date  as  1683  as  we  shall  see;  Harrisse.  Ibid,  lists 
the  map  as  #238  and  gives  the  date  as  1688. 

2  Mr.  de  la  Salle  writes  that  in  1681  he  descended  the  Mississippi  and  that 
he  had  been  as  far  as  the  sea. 

'  Parkman.    La  Salle  etc.  p.  291. 


120  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

to  the  Gulf  can  hardly  be  expected.  That  the  map  could  not  have 
been  drawn  before  1683  is  obvious;  it  was  probably  designed 
shortly  thereafter. 

We  turn  from  these  crude  though  praiseworthy  efforts  to  the 
work  of  the  trained  cartographer,  Jean  Baptiste  Louis  Franquelin. 
His  maps,  due  allowance  being  made  for  imperfect  knowledge  of 
certain  regions,  are  executed  with  a  technique  more  in  keeping  with 
modern  cartography.  His  map,  V Amerique  Septentrionale,  1688, 
is,  perhaps,  the  best  evidence  of  his  skill.^  He  shows  obviously 
from  Jesuit  sources,  with  careful  attention  to  detail,  the  Baye  des 
Puans,  connected  with  Lake  Winnebago  by  a  river,  then  the  R. 
des  Mascoutens  flowing  from  the  north  into  Lake  Winnebago, 
where  it  is  joined  by  another  stream  running  due  east  through 
three  little  ponds  called  Lacs  des  Folks  Avoines,  clearly  the  small 
lakes  mentioned  by  Marquette.  The  portage  from  the  head  of  this 
river  to  the  Ouisconsing  is  correctly  reproduced;  in  fact  the  entire 
design  shows  a  faithful  attempt  to  follow  Marquette  and  Allouez, 
and  could  have  been  made  from  their  reports  exclusively.  But 
on  the  lower  Mississippi  where  he  did  not  have  the  advantage  of 
Jesuit  narratives  he  goes  badly  astray.  Below  the  Ohio  he  has 
extended  the  river  a  long  distance  westward,  causing  it  to  empty 
into  the  Gulf  near  modern  Galveston,  a  fault  due  to  an  erroneous 
impression  regarding  the  distance  between  the  Mississippi  Delta 
and  the  Baye  de  Spiritu  Sando,  or  Mobile  Bay. 

Coronelli's  map  of  1688  contains  much  accurate  information, 
though  its  workmanship  is  inferior  to  that  of  Franquelin.  Taken 
as  a  whole  it  is  a  very  creditable  performance,  comprising  the 
Great  Lakes  Basin  as  far  east  as  Montreal,  and  the  Mississippi 
south  to  the  Ohio,  here  called  the  Ouabache.  The  author  has 
enlivened  his  map  by  copious  notations  that  describe  the  country, 
giving  in  many  cases  the  key  to  his  sources  of  information.  In 
illustrating  the  Fox- Wisconsin  route  Coronelli  has  made  a  consci- 
entious effort  to  follow  Marquette,  crediting  him  and  Joliet  with 
the  discovery  of  the  trail  by  a  note  giving  the  dates  of  their  depar- 
ture from  the  Mascoutens  and  their  arrival  at  the  Mississippi.  Un- 
fortunately the  geographer  has  prolonged  the  Wisconsin  to  Lake 
Winnebago,  showing  the  portage  to  be  between  that  river  and  the 

1  Original  is  in  the  Bibliotheque  des  Cartes  de  la  Marine  at  Paris.  An  excel- 
lent copy  is  in  the  Kohl  Collection  at  the  Lib.  of  Cong.    Harrisse.  Ibid.  ^224. 


Mississippi  Valley  121 

western  extension  of  the  lake  itself,  the  upper  Fox  being  omitted. 
The  upper  Mississippi  is  clearly  taken  from  Hennepin's  account, 
the  names  and  locations  of  its  various  tributaries  following  closely 
his  map  and  narrative ;  while  for  the  Illinois  River  Coronelli  draws 
his  knowledge  from  the  more  recent  and  extensive  explorations 
of  La  Salle  and  Hennepin.  While  Coronelli  does  not  show  much 
Jesuit  influence  in  his  map-making,  what  he  does  show  is  specific. 

The  year  following  his  great  discovery  Father  Marquette  under- 
took a  second  expedition  to  the  Illinois  Indians,  whom  he  had  met 
on  his  return  from  the  Mississippi.  Leaving  St.  Francis  Xavier 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Fox  River  in  October,  1674,  the  missionary 
proceeded  along  the  eastern  coast  of  Green  Bay  until  he  reached 
Sturgeon  Bay,  an  indentation  on  the  Door  County  Peninsula  that 
afforded  easy  access  to  Lake  Michigan  by  a  portage  of  nearly  a 
league  in  length.^  The  next  day  he  descended  the  coast,  passing 
a  small  river,  the  Ahnapee,  and  at  night  he  reached  another  stream, 
probably  the  Kewaumee,  'whence  one  goes  to  the  Poutewatamis 
by  a  good  road.'^  Continuing  his  journey  he  passed  some  fairly 
large  streams  and  arrived  at  the  Chicago  River,  where  he  en- 
camped for  the  winter  at  the  portage,  two  leagues  up  the  stream. 
The  following  spring  Marquette  witnessed  the  curious  effect  due 
to  a  freshet  that  raised  the  water  level  to  such  a  height  as  to  make 
a  continuous  waterway  from  Lake  Michigan  to  the  Illinois  River. 
'We  started  yesterday,'  the  Father  wrote  on  March  31,  'and  trav- 
elled 3  leagues  up  the  river^  without  finding  any  portage.  We 
hauled  our  goods  probably  half  an  arpent.  Besides  this  discharge, 
the  river  has  another  one  by  which  we  are  to  go  down.  The  very 
high  lands  alone  are  not  flooded.  At  the  place  where  we  are,  the 
water  has  risen  more  than  12  feet.  This  is  where  we  began  our 
portage  18  months  ago.'* 

At  this  point  it  seems  appropriate  to  mention  the  Great  Lakes 
map,  so  called,  as  it  shows  considerable  Jesuit  influence.  This 
influence  is  illustrated  by  the  light  which  Marquette's  story  throws 
on  the  somewhat  obscure  subject  of  its  date.^    The  chart  in  ques- 

1  Unfinished  Journal  of  Marquette.  J.  R.  LIX,  p.  167.  A  canal  has  been 
cut  from  Sturgeon  Bay  to  Lake  Michigan. 

''Ibid.  p.  167. 

'  Chicago  River. 

*Ibid.  p.  181. 

*  This  map  is  listed  in  Harrisse.  Ibid,  as  ^205,  and  is  known  as  it3  in  the 
Parkman  Collection. 


12  2  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

tion  gives  a  very  creditable  presentation  of  the  lakes,  beginning  as 
far  east  as  Quebec  and  carrying  the  design  to  the  western  extremity 
of  Lake  Superior,  though  no  attempt  is  made  to  show  the  Missis- 
sippi and  its  affluents,  a  fact  that  has  led  at  least  one  authority  to 
believe  that  the  map  was  constructed  prior  to  Marquette's  first 
expedition.^  But  if  we  glance  at  the  southwestern  part  of  Lake 
Michigan  we  find  a  crude  indication  of  the  Chicago  River  with  an 
arrow  pointing  in  the  direction  of  the  Riviere  de  la  Diuine,  the 
name  given  the  Illinois  River  on  Joliet's  first  map.  Furthermore, 
the  following  inscription  is  found  at  this  point:  'Les  plus  grands 
nauires  peuuent  uenire  de  la  decharge  du  Lac  Erie  dans  le  Lac  Fron- 
tenac  iuesques  icy  et  de  ce  marais  ou  ils  peuuent  entrer  il  n^y  a  que 
mille  pas  de  distance  iusqu'a  la  riuiere  de  la  Diuine  qui  les  pent 
porter  iusqu^a  la  riuiere  Colbert  et  de  la  au  golfe  de  Mexique.'^  We 
have,  then,  two  rivers,  the  Divine  and  the  Colbert,  whose  names  do 
not  appear  until  Joliet's  first  map  was  made.  This  did  not  take 
place,  of  course,  until  after  Joliet  had  returned  from  the  Mississippi 
expedition  in  1673,  ^  ^^.ct  that  proves  beyond  all  reasonable  doubt 
that  the  Great  Lakes  chart  must  be  dated  subsequent  to  his  voy- 
age,' unless — and  this  is  well  within  the  range  of  possibility,  though 
we  have  no  means  to  prove  it — the  various  inscriptions  on  the  map 
were  inserted  some  time  after  it  was  made.  Marquette,  as  we  have 
seen,  tells  us  in  his  journal  that  the  water  had  risen  twelve  feet  at 
the  spot  where  he  made  the  portage  to  Lake  Michigan  on  his  first 
expedition;  and  thus  it  would  appear  that  the  legend  on  the  map, 
telling  us  that  the  largest  vessels  can  enter  a  swamp  at  this  place 
and  sail  to  within  a  thousand  paces  of  the  Divine  River  (Illinois- 
Des  Plaines),  was  made  after  Marquette  had  witnessed  the  high 
water  at  the  portage.  As  the  entry  in  his  diary  describing  this 
interesting  phenomenon  was  not  made  until  the  spring  of  1675, 
we  cannot  assign  an  earlier  date  to  the  map.    The  Great  Lakes 

1  Such  is  the  opinion  of  Parkman  who  thinks  that  the  map  was  made 
before  Joliet's  voyage,  but  after  that  of  La  Salle  to  the  Illinois  River,  since  a 
rudiment  of  the  Chicago  River  is  shown.  He  gives  the  date  as  1673.  La 
Salle  etc.  pp.  25  and  451. 

2  The  largest  vessels  can  come  here  from  the  outlet  of  Lake  Erie  into  Lake 
Frontenac  [Ontario],  and  from  this  swamp  which  they  can  enter  there  are  but  a 
thousand  paces  to  the  Divine  River,  which  will  take  them  to  the  Colbert 
[MississippiJ  River  and  thence  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexcio. 

'  Harrisse  considers  the  map  to  have  been  drawn  on  Joliet's  return.  He 
could  not  find  the  original  chart;  all  he  discovered  was  a  fragment  showing  the 
western  section.    Ibid.  pp.  195-197. 


Mississippi  Valley  123 

map  bears  some  resemblance,  it  is  true,  to  Joliet's  smaller  chart, 
though  the  similarity  is  not  striking  enough  to  convince  one  that 
Joliet  is  the  author.    Its  designer  is  unknown. 

Marquette's  Unfinished  Journal  tells  us  but  little  more.  After 
a  short  stay  with  the  Illinois  (as  we  learn  from  Dablon's  report) 
the  missionary  made  his  way  to  Lake  Michigan  by  the  St.  Joseph- 
Kankakee  portage,^  whence  he  started  for  Michilimackinac, 
coasting  the  eastern  shore;  but  as  his  health  was  rapidly  sinking 
he  landed  at  a  river  half-way  up  the  lake  (marked  on  subsequent 
maps  as  the  Marquette  River),  where  he  died  and  was  buried.^ 
Not  long  afterwards  a  party  of  Indians  chanced  upon  his  grave. 
They  disinterred  the  remains,  and  burning  the  flesh,  carried  the 
bones  to  St.  Ignace  where  a  suitable  sepulchre  was  provided. 

Such  are  the  discoveries  in  the  Mississippi  Valley  made  and 
related  by  the  Jesuit  Fathers.  Although  the  missionaries  con- 
tinued their  spiritual  labors  in  this  fertile  field,  the  work  of  explora- 
tion from  now  on  falls  chiefly  on  other  shoulders.  The  eighteenth 
century  ushered  in  a  serious  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  French  to 
colonize  Louisiana,  and  the  story  of  exploration  and  discovery  in 
this  region  is  to  be  found  in  other  records  than  the  Jesuit  Relations. 

^  This  is  his  probable  route  though  Dablon  is  not  specific.  /.  R.  LIX,  p. 
191. 

J.  G.  Shea  also  considers  this  to  be  the  route.  Disc,  and  Expl.  of  Miss. 
Valley,  p.  LXX. 

=*/.  B.  LIX,  pp.  199-201. 


CHAPTER  IV 

The  Jesuits  in  the  Lake  Superior  Region 

ETURNING  now  to  the  starting  point  of  western  exploration 
at  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  where  the  two  routes  diverged,  one 
to  the  west  through  Lake  Michigan,  the  other  to  the  north  across 
Lake  Superior,  we  shall  take  up  the  story  of  the  northern  trail, 
and  investigate  the  contributions  of  the  Jesuits  to  the  geographical 
knowledge  of  Lake  Superior  and  adjacent  territory.  In  accordance 
with  the  plan  we  have  hitherto  followed  we  must,  before  taking  up 
the  Jesuit  narratives,  examine  with  care  any  claims  that  may  have 
arisen  regarding  a  discovery  of  Lake  Superior  before  the  Fathers 
appeared  on  the  scene.  This  brings  us  at  once  to  the  reputed  dis- 
covery of  Etienne  Brule. 

Lake  Superior  was  known  to  Champlain  through  the  reports 
of  Indians,  and,  according  to  some  authorities,  through  the  explora- 
tions of  his  interpreter,  Brule,  who  is  thought  to  have  penetrated 
northward  for  an  indefinite  distance,  and  to  have  brought  back 
some  scanty  information.  The  evidence  presented  to  prove 
Brule's  discovery  is  found  in  a  few  casual  remarks  make  by  Sagard 
in  his  Histoire  du  Canada.  Sagard  came  to  Canada  in  1624  and 
made  his  way  to  Huronia,  where  he  remained  for  two  years  collect- 
ing material  for  his  writings.  In  1632  he  published  his  Grand 
Voyage  du  Pays  des  Hurons,  amplified  four  years  later  by  an  ac- 
count of  Recollect  activities  for  the  past  fifteen  years.  This  ap- 
peared under  the  title  of  Histoire  du  Canada.  It  may  be  well  to  say 
at  this  point,  since  his  evidence  is  used  to  substantiate  Brule's 
claim,  that  Sagard  was  not  a  learned  man  given  to  a  careful 
analysis  of  his  material,  nor  was  he  a  profound  observer  of  what 
he  saw;  his  story  is  straightforward  and  simple,  and  is  composed 
of  everything  that  he  saw  or  heard  during  his  stay  in  Canada.^ 

Brule's  claim  to  the  discovery  of  Lake  Superior  hinges  largely 
on  his  finding  a  copper  mine,  situated  somewhere  north  of  Lake 
Huron,  fragments  of  whose  ores  were  brought  back  by  him. 
Sagard  first  mentions  the  incident  when  speaking  of  the  Hurons. 
'In  some  places,'  he  says,  'they  had  red  copper  of  which  I  have  seen 
a  small  ingot  near  the  fresh-water  sea,  that  the  interpreter  Brule 

^  Biographic  Universelle.  Vol.  XXXVII,  p.  230. 

124 


Lake  Superior  Region  125 

brought  us  from  a  nation  80  leagues  distant  from  the  Hurons.'^ 
The  matter  is  again  brought  to  our  attention  by  a  pioneer  named 
Grenolle,  who  with  Brul6  made  an  expedition  northward.  'One 
of  our  Frenchmen,'  says  Sagard,  'named  Crenole  [Grenolle]  told 
us  that  hp  had  been  towards  the  north  to  trade  with  a  nation  dis- 
tant about  one  hundred  leagues  from  the  Hurons.  This  nation  he 
found  digging  at  a  copper  mine.'^  The  shores  and  islands  of  Lake 
Superior  are  indeed  rich  with  copper  ores,  as  Allouez  later  dis- 
covered, and  Brule's  claims  are  based  partially  on  this  fact.  One 
authority  argues  that  as  'the  savages  knew  nothing  of  working 
copper  ore;  they  could  only  mine  pure  copper  and  this  was  to  be 
found  only  to  the  northward  of  Lake  Huron — that  is,  to  the  north- 
ward of  the  North  Channel,  as  now  called, — and  farther  westward.'^ 
Evidence  of  copper  mining  activities  by  the  Indians  on  Lake  Su- 
perior is  then  advanced  by  this  antiquarian  to  bolster  up  his 
theory.  But  the  Jesuits  tell  us  that  copper  could  also  be  found  on 
Lake  Huron.  The  Relation  of  1659-60,  in  discussing  the  belief 
that  the  copper  deposits  on  Lake  Huron  were  carried  down  by  the 
current  from  Lake  Superior,  says:  'What  inclines  us  to  believe 
this  is  that,  when  the  foundations  of  St.  Joseph's  Chapel  were  dug 
on  the  shore  of  Lake  Huron, — which  is  nothing  but  the  discharge 
of  Lake  Superior, — the  workmen  found  a  vein  as  large  as  one's  arm, 
of  these  grains  of  gold.  .  .  .  But  the  workmen,  who  knew 
that  there  were  mines  of  copper  in  those  regions,  being  persuaded 
that  it  was  from  a  brass  mine  (in  ignorance  that  brass  is  a  composi- 
tion), filled  in  the  foundations  which  they  had  dug,  without  know- 
ing that  they  were  sealing  up  a  treasure  there.'*  It  was  unneces- 
sary, then,  for  Brule  to  go  beyond  Lake  Huron  to  seek  copper 
mines,  as  that  mineral  was  found  on  Lake  Huron,  though,  of  course, 
in  smaller  quantities  than  on  Lake  Superior.  It  is  a  bold  presump- 
tion to  assume  that  Brule  reached  Lake  Superior  because  the  In- 
dians could  mine  only  the  pure  copper  found  there,  when  we  con- 
sider the  slight  information  we  have  regarding  his  itinerary.  But 
Sagard  has  a  trifle  more  to  say.  'The  interpreter  Brusle  with 
several  savages  have  assured  us  that  beyond  the  fresh-water  sea 

^  Sagard.     Histoire  du  Canada,  pp.  212  and  213. 

"^Ihid.  p.  328.    The  statement  that  Brule  accompanied  Grenolle  is  made 
on  pp.  716  and  717. 

^  C.  W.  Butterfield.     Brule's  Discoveries  and  Explorations.     1898.  p.  156. 
*  Relation,  1659-60.  /.  R.  XLV,  p.  221. 


126  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

[Huron],  there  is  another  very  large  lake^  that  discharges  into  this 
one  by  a  rapid  that  is  called  the  Saut  de  Gaston  [Ste.  Marie],  having 
a  breadth  of  almost  two  leagues,  which  lake  together  with  the 
fresh- water  sea  contain  about  thirty  days'  journey,  according  to 
the  report  of  savages  and  is,  according  to  the  interpreter,  about 
four  hundred  leagues  in  length.'-  Those  contending  for  Brule's 
discovery  claim  a  point  here  by  asserting  that  since  the  distance 
given  by  the  Indians  is  in  days'  journeys,  while  that  given  by  the 
interpreter  is  in  leagues,  Sagard  had  in  mind  two  separate  reports 
each  from  a  different  source;  that  is  to  say  that  Brule  was  giving 
the  results  of  his  own  personal  observations  measured  in  French 
leagues  and  not  merely  repeating  rumors  that  he  had  heard  from 
the  Indians.^  But  why  should  such  a  conclusion  be  reached? 
Brule  is  assumed  by  his  sponsors  to  have  passed  above  the  Sault 
Ste.  Marie,  coasted  the  shores  of  Lake  Superior  to  its  western 
extremity,  and  visited  Isle  Royale;  yet  he  left  no  record  of  this 
magnificent  exploit,  save  a  chance  remark  that  must  be  subjected 
to  microscopic  examination  to  determine  what  lay  behind  it.*  It 
is  more  simple  and  more  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  pioneer 
had  interpreted  in  terms  of  leagues  the  distance  which  the  savages 
had  reported  in  days'  journeys,  as  such  a  supposition  is  natural 
and  explains  the  omission  of  any  reference  to  so  noteworthy  an 
achievement  in  contemporary  maps  and  records.  It  is  probable 
that  Brule  made  a  voyage  to  the  northern  shore  of  Georgian  Bay 
where  he  found  a  copper  mine  about  eighty  leagues  from  the  mis- 
sionary headquarters  in  Huronia. 

As  Brule  started  on  his  journey  in  1621^  and  returned  two  years 
later,^  he  had  ample  time  to  report  his  discoveries,  and  thus  enable 
his  patron,  Champlain,  to  embody  them  in  his  map  of  1632.  We 
might  expect,  then,  to  see  on  this  important  chart  a  fairly  intelli- 

1  Superior. 

2  Sagard.  Ibid.  p.  589. 

3  C.  W.  Butterfield.  Ibid,  says:  'It  is  true  that  Sagard  does  not  say,  in  just 
so  many  words,  that  Brule  reached  Lake  Superior;  but  the  fact  is  clearly  to  be 
inferred  from  what  he  relates.  If  it  was  in  his  mind  that  the  interpreter  was 
only  giving  him  Indian  reports,  why  does  he  write,  making  a  distinction  be- 
tween such  reports  and  what  Brule  declared,  as  to  the  length  of  Lakes  Huron 
and  Superior  combined?'  p.  156. 

*  Butterfield,  who  has  worked  out  this  itinerary  after  considerable  re- 
search, himself  admits  that  the  proof  of  Brule's  reaching  the  western  extremity 
of  Lake  Superior  is  rather  slender.    Ibid.  pp.  156  and  157. 

5  C.  W.  Butterfield.  Ibid.  p.  100. 

^  Ibid.  p.  108. 


Lake  Superior  Region  127 

gent  reproduction  of  Lake  Superior  and  the  territory  adjacent 
thereto;  but,  unfortunately,  the  map  reveals  no  more  regarding 
these  regions  than  Champlain  had  learned  from  the  Indians.  In 
fact  Champlain  in  describing  the  rapid  of  Sault  Ste.  Marie  says: 
'Sault  de  Gaston,  nearly  two  leagues  broad,  and  discharging  into 
the  Mer  Douce.  It  comes  from  another  very  large  lake,  less  which, 
with  the  Mer  Douce,  has  an  extent  of  thirty  days'  journey  by  canoe, 
according  to  the  report  of  the  savages.'^  Precisely  the  description 
— almost  the  very  words — of  Sagard  in  his  version  of  the  reports  of 
Brule  and  the  Indians;  yet  Champlain,  who  had  sent  Brule  on  his 
northern  voyage,  learned  from  him  nothing  more  than  a  story 
current  at  the  time.  It  is  possible  that  Brule  may  have  visited 
Lake  Superior,  since  he  set  out  on  a  northern  journey  passing 
along  the  shores  of  Georgian  Bay  and  meeting  many  tribes  that 
could  direct  him  on  his  way;  but  if  he  reached  this  lake  we  have 
no  record  that  he  made  any  such  claim,  nor  did  any  contemporary 
or  subsequent  historian  advance  one  for  him.  Only  in  modern 
times  has  anyone  ventured  to  construct  an  itinerary  from  the 
scant  phrases  of  Sagard.  The  story  of  Brule's  travels  as  told  by 
Mr.  Butterfield  is  ingeniously  worked  out,  but  is  not  particularly 
convincing.  That  such  an  incurable  wanderer  as  Brul6  may  have 
reached  Lake  Superior  is  quite  within  the  bounds  of  possibility, 
though  direct  evidence  to  that  effect  is  wanting.  It  is  interesting 
to  note  what  Mr.  Butterfield  has  to  say  in  regard  to  a  possible 
journey  of  his  hero  to  Lake  Erie.  'It  is  but  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  had  Brule  visited  the  lake  on  his  journey  to,  or  return  from 
the  Carantouannais,  Champlain  would  have  given  a  better  drawing 
of  it  in  his  map.'^  One  might  well  ask  why  did  not  Champlain 
give  a  better  drawing  of  Lake  Superior  and  the  Sault  region  if 
Brule  had  visited  them.  But  whether  one  is  inclined  to  believe 
the  story  or  not,  we  may  rest  assured  that  Brule  added  nothing  to 

1  Note  #34  on  Champlain's  map. 

2  C.  W.  Butterfield.  Ibid.  p.  141.  The  opinions  of  other  authorities  may  be 
of  interest.  R.  G.  Thwaites.  France  in  America.  1905.  says  that  Superior 
was  discovered  in  161 6,  but  he  does  not  say  by  whom.  p.  52.  Winsor.  C artier 
to  Frontenac,  says  that  Brule  discovered  Lake  Superior  if  Sagard  is  to  be  trusted. 
p.  122.  E.  D.  Neill.  Groseilliers  and  Radisson,  Magazine  of  Western  History, 
Vol.  VII,  1887-8,  states  that  there  is  no  evidence  that  any  European  explored 
Superior  prior  to  1659.  p.  412.  Neill  also  saj^s  that  Brule  brought  back  a 
description  of  Superior,  but  he  does  not  say  that  he  actually  saw  it.  Winsor. 
Nar.  &  Grit.  Hist.  Vol.  IV,  p.  165. 


128  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

geographical  knowledge,  nor  did  he  impress  his  contemporaries 
with  his  discoveries,  if  he  made  any  in  this  direction. 

The  first  Europeans  to  give  us  unquestioned  proof  of  a  visit 
to  Lake  Superior  are  our  old  friends  Radisson  and  Groseilliers,  who 
in  the  year  1659  set  out  for  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie  by  way  of  the 
Ottawa  River.  We  have  independent  testimony  of  their  return 
from  their  voyage  from  Father  Druillettes.^  He  tells  us  that  he 
met  at  Quebec  two  Frenchmen  who  'had  just  arrived  from  those 
countries,  with  three  hundred  Algonkins,  in  sixty  canoes  loaded 
with  furs.'  The  explorers  gave  Druillettes  a  synopsis  of  their 
story,  telling  him  of  the  journey  to  Lake  Superior  where  they  bap- 
tized two  hundred  Algonquin  children.  'During  the  winter  season,' 
reports  the  Father,  'our  two  Frenchmen  made  divers  excursions  to 
the  surrounding  tribes.  Among  other  things,  they  saw,  six  days' 
journey  beyond  the  lake  toward  the  southwest,  a  tribe  composed  of 
the  remnants  of  the  Hurons  of  the  Tobacco  Nation. '^  They  also 
visited  the  Nadwechiwec  or  Sioux  Nation.  But  we  can  follow  them 
better  from  their  own  narrative.  Reaching  Lake  Superior  they 
proceeded  along  its  southern  shores  'which  are  the  most  delightful! 
and  wounderous  for  it's  nature  that  made  it  so  pleasant  to  the  eye, 
the  sperit,  and  the  belly. '^  Pushing  westward  they  presently  came 
to  a  'very  beautifull  point  of  sand  where  there  are  3  beautiful] 
islands,^  that  we  called  of  ye  Trinity;  there  be  3  in  triangle. '^ 
Thence  they  reached  a  deep  bay  into  which  flowed  a  river,  but  in- 
stead of  skirting  the  coastline  by  a  tedious  detour  around  Kewee- 
naw Peninsula,  they  crossed  overland  through  Lake  Portage,  and 
continuing  up  the  lakeshore  entered  Chequamegon  Bay  where  they 
erected  a  fort  to  protect  the  permanent  encampment.^  A  few  days 
later  a  band  of  savages  induced  them  to  visit  a  tribe  located  on  a 
lake  'some  8  leagues  in  circuit,'  now  identified  with  Lake  Courte 
Oreille,''  where  the  explorers  remained  for  the  winter  suffering 
severely  from  hunger.  The  following  spring  an  embassy  from  the 
Sioux  nation  brought  them  an  invitation  to  visit  those  tribes  at 

1  Relation,  1659-60.  J.  R.  XLV,  p.  235. 

2  Ibid. 

3G.  D.  Scull.  P.  E.  Radisson.  p.  189. 

*  Huron  Islands. 

^  Ibid.  p.  191. 

^  Ibid.  p.  194. 

'  Warren  Upham.  Groseilliers  and  Radisson.  p.  486. 


Lake  Superior  Region  129 

their  encampment.  The  two  Frenchmen  accepted  with  alacrity, 
and  following  their  guides  they  made  their  way  to  a  lake  some 
distance  off,  where  they  found  the  Indians  awaiting  them.  A  huge 
fort,  six  hundred  and  three  score  paces  in  length  by  six  hundred  in 
breadth  had  been  erected  at  this  place.  Here  a  great  feast  was 
held,  various  tribes  coming  from  distant  parts  to  attend  it.  It  was 
at  this  entertainment  that  Radisson  and  Groseilliers  met  some 
Indians  who  took  them  on  a  long  journey  to  their  homes,  leading 
them,  it  is  thought,  down  the  Rum  river  to  the  Mississippi  and 
then  up  the  Minnesota,  thus  establishing  for  a  second  time  their 
claim  to  the  discovery  of  the  great  river,  ^  They  returned  to  Che- 
quamegon  Bay,  and  after  a  short  rest  started  on  a  further  journey 
that  led  them  to  the  western  extremity  of  Lake  Superior,  which 
they  crossed  at  a  place  where  it  is  only  about  fifteen  leagues  wide.^ 
Reaching  the  northern  shore  the  explorers  followed  it  in  a  north- 
easterly direction  to  a  Cree  encampment,  now  believed  to  have 
been  situated  not  less  than  fifteen,  and  not  more  than  fifty,  miles 
from  Duluth.^  At  this  point  Radisson's  narrative  becomes  some- 
what confused,  as  the  author  inserts  a  statement  interpreted  by 
some  to  indicate  that  the  voyagers  penetrated  as  far  north  as 
Hudson  Bay;  but  this  question  will  be  discussed  fully  in  a  subse- 
quent chapter.  While  from  the  above  incidents  we  can  readily 
proclaim  Radisson  and  Groseilliers  as  the  first  Europeans  to  gaze 
on  the  great  inland  sea,  we  find  no  evidence  that  they  gave  any 
information  regarding  the  country  they  had  traversed  to  persons 
capable  of  utilizing  it  for  geographical  purposes.  Save  for  the  few 
remarks  made  to  Father  Druillettes  there  is  no  reference  to  their 
wanderings  in  the  literature  of  that  period.  The  first  map  that 
makes  any  pretence  of  portraying  Lake  Superior  is  the  one  ac- 
companying the  Relation  of  16 70-1,  and  it  was  drawn  after  Father 
Allouez  had  explored  the  shores  of  that  lake,  and  Father  Dablon 
had  gathered  together  much  geographical  information  regarding 
it. 

The  first  Jesuit  missionary  to  push  his  canoe  over  the  waters 
of  Lake  Superior  was  Father  Menard,  a  pioneer  in  the  Faith,  but 
not  in  geographical  knowledge.    He  was  born  in  1605  and  came  to 

^Ibid.  pp.  502  and  503. 

2  G.  D.  Scull.  Ibid.  p.  224. 

3  Upham.  Ibid.  p.  508. 


130  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

Canada  at  the  age  of  thirty-five  years.  Being  assigned  like  so  many 
other  new  arrivals  to  the  Huron  mission  he  improved  his  time  there 
by  studying  the  Algonquin  tongue.  After  the  tragedy  of  1649 
Menard  spent  some  time  at  Three  Rivers,  and  from  there  he  went 
to  the  Iroquois  missions  for  the  brief  space  of  three  years.  In 
1660  he  left  Quebec  with  a  group  of  savages  for  the  purpose  of  tak- 
ing up  his  residence  among  them  when  they  should  reach  their 
destination  in  the  North  west.  ^  After  undergoing  considerable  hard- 
ship, particularly  distressing  for  one  no  longer  young,  he  reached 
Lake  Superior,  and  established  himself  on  the  southern  shore  of  a 
large  bay  which  he  named  Ste  Therese,  in  honor  of  the  saint  on 
whose  day  he  arrived  there.^  This  bay  he  describes  as  'a  hundred 
leagues  above  the  fall  in  Lake  Superior,'^  which  readily  suggests 
the  large  indentation  known  as  Keweenaw  Bay,  A  mission  was 
founded  here  by  Menard  at  Old  Village  Point,  seven  miles  from  the 
modern  town  of  I'Anse,  and  called  Nostre  Dame  de  bon  Secours,  its 
Indian  name  being  Chassahamigon.^  Its  correct  position  is  indi- 
cated on  the  Mission  map.  Here  Father  Menard  spent  the  winter, 
planning  to  proceed  the  following  spring  to  the  Bay  of  St.  Esprit 
(Chequamegon  Bay)  about  one  hundred  leagues  from  his  station 
at  Chassahamigon.^  But  other  duties  interfered.  Being  called 
upon  to  visit  a  tribe  of  Hurons,  who  had  settled  at  the  head  of  the 
Black  River,  he  at  once  left  for  their  villages,  passing  over  the  trail 
from  Keweenaw  Bay  to  Lac  Vieu  Desert,  the  source  of  the  Wis- 
consin River.  Descending  this  stream  to  the  mouth  of  the  Copper 
River  he  struck  across  country  to  the  Black  over  a  trail  that  meets 
it  at  the  modern  town  of  Chelsea.^  It  was  on  this  route  that  he 
became  separated  from  his  companions,  who,  after  making  vain 
efforts  to  trace  him,  gave  him  up  for  lost.  Later,  an  Indian  reported 
that  the  Father's  body  had  been  found  beside  a  lake  under  cir- 
cumstances that  pointed  to  foul  play.''    The  site  of  Father  Men- 

^  Lalemant's  letter  to  the  General,  Aug.  18,  1663.  /.  R.  XLVII,  p.  249. 

2  Relation,  1663-4  J-  R-  XLVIII,  p.  265. 

^  Ibid.  p.  277. 

*  For  location  of  Menard's  mission  see  H.  C.  Campbell.  Rene  Menard, 
Predecessor  of  Allouez  and  Marquette  in  the  Superior  Region.  1897.  Parkman 
Club  Papers  #11.  p.  9.  See  Menard's  letter  to  Lalamant,  June  2,  1661,  dated 
from  Nostre  Dame  de  bon  Secours.  J.  R.  XLVI,  p.  145. 

^  Ibid.  p.  141. 

^  H.  C.  Campbell.  Ibid.  pp.  16-21. 

^Lalemant's  letter,  Aug.  18,  1663.  /.  R.  XLVII,  pp.  251-253.  Menard 
died  Aug.  7  or  8,  1661.    Journal  des  Peres  Jesuites.    Ibid.  p.  307. 


Lake  Superior  Region  131 

ard's  death  was  pretty  well  established  by  his  brother  Jesuits  on 
their  Mission  map  where  a  cross  indicates  a  spot  almost  identical 
with  that  determined  by  modern  research,  that  is  near  the  source 
of  a  stream  corresponding  to  the  Black  River.  The  place  is  further 
identified  by  the  inscription:  %cy  mourut  le  P.  Meynard.'^  Father 
Menard  might  have  contributed  much  to  the  geographical  knowl- 
edge of  the  region.  He  was  the  first  representative  of  the  Jesuit 
Order  in  these  parts,  anticipating  even  Father  Allouez,  but  the 
information  contained  in  his  letters  is  so  meager  that  it  has  almost 
no  value.  His  sudden  death  not  only  cut  short  further  exploration, 
but  prevented  the  Father  from  compiling  a  record  of  his  travels 
that  might  have  contained  much  of  value. 

Despite  the  failure  of  Father  Mdnard  to  make  an  adequate 
report  it  is  to  a  Jesuit  explorer,  Father  AUouez,  that  we  are  in- 
debted for  the  first  intelligent  description  of  Lake  Superior.  Be- 
fore his  journey  little  was  known  about  the  vast  inland  sea.  Even 
as  late  as  1648,  Father  Ragueneau  was  able  to  sum  up  in  a  few 
words  current  knowledge  of  the  subject.  He  says,  in  speaking  of 
the  Paouitagoung  tribe :  'The  last-named  are  those  whom  we  call 
the  Nation  of  the  Sault,  who  are  distant  from  us^  a  little  over  one 
hundred  leagues,  by  means  of  whom  we  would  have  to  obtain  a 
passage,  if  we  wished  to  go  further  and  communicate  with  numer- 
ous other  Algonquin  Tribes,  still  further  away,  who  dwell  on  the 
shores  of  another  lake^  larger  than  the  fresh-water  sea,  into  which 
it  discharges  by  a  very  large  and  very  rapid  river;  the  latter, 
before  mingling  its  waters  with  those  of  our  fresh-water  sea,  rolls 
over  a  fall  that  gives  its  name  to  these  peoples,  who  come  there 
during  the  fishing  season.  This  superior  lake  extends  toward  the 
northwest, — that  is,  between  the  west  and  the  north. '^  Certainly 
this  brief  account  reveals  no  startling  news,  if  indeed  it  can  be  said 

1  H.  C.  Campbell's  article  which  we  have  followed  works  out  the  itinerary 
in  a  convincing  way,  despite  the  absence  of  definite  information. 

R.  G.  Thwaites.  Wisconsin,  adopts  the  same  route  as  Campbell,  placing 
the  spot  of  Menard's  death  at  the  present  city  of  Merrill,  Wisconsin,  near  Bill 
Cross  Rapids,  p.  46. 

E.  D.  Neill  bases  his  identification  of  Menard's  route  on  Perrot's  statement 
that  'the  Father  followed  the  Ottawas  to  the  Lake  of  the  Illinois  [Michigan], 
and  in  their  flight  to  Louisiana  [Mississippi]  as  far  as  the  upper  part  of  the 
Black  River.'    Winsor.  Nar.   &  Crit.  Hist.  Vol.  IV,  p.  170. 

2  Ste.  Marie-on-the-Wye. 
'  Lake  Superior. 

*Ragueneau's  Relation,  1647-8.    J.  R.  XXXIII,  p.  149. 


132  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

to  add  anything  to  Champlain's  map  and  narrative;  it  rests 
merely  on  the  report  of  explorers  who  had  penetrated  only  to  the 
Sault,  and  had  a  personal  acquaintance  with  the  outlet  of  Lake 
Superior.  Father  Druillettes  adds  a  little  more  to  the  general 
fund  of  information  in  the  Relation  of  1659-60,  when  he  gives  the 
substance  of  his  conversation  with  an  Indian,  who  on  his  return 
from  the  lake  reported  it  to  be  'more  than  eighty  leagues  long  by 
forty  wide  in  certain  places,'  and  described  it  as  'studded  with 
islands  picturesquely  distributed  along  its  shores,'  and  containing 
mines  of  copper.^  Furthermore,  Druillettes  attempts  to  show  the 
lake's  position  in  relation  to  other  well-known  points.  The  Bay  of 
St.  Esprit  (Mobile  Bay)  he  gives  as  three  hundred  leagues  distant 
from  the  western  extremity  of  Lake  Superior,  from  which  point 
there  lay,  at  a  distance  of  two  hundred  leagues  in  a  southwesterly 
direction,  a  lake  emptying  into  the  Vermilhon  Sea  on  the  coast 
of  New  Granada.^  Such  is  the  meager  knowledge  of  Lake  Superior 
as  it  existed  before  the  expedition  of  Allouez, 

Father  Allouez  left  Three  Rivers  on  August  8,  1665,  and  jour- 
neying to  the  Sault  by  the  usual  route,  entered  Lake  Superior. 
Pausing  in  his  narrative  to  describe  this  inland  sea,  he  says :  'The 
form  of  this  lake  is  nearly  that  of  a  bow,  the  southern  shore  being 
much  curved,  and  the  northern  nearly  straight,  ...  its 
length  is  two  hundred  leagues  and  its  greatest  width  eighty,'' 
The  month  of  September,  1665,  was  spent  coasting  the  southern 
shore.  The  Father  crossed  Ste.  Therese  Bay — so  named  by  Father 
Menard — that  deep  indentation  known  to  us  as  Keweenaw,  and 
after  a  journey  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  leagues  reached  Cha- 
gouamigong  (Chequamegon)  Bay,  a  place  which  had  long  been  the 
goal  of  his  ambition.*  Here  he  founded  the  mission  of  St.  Esprit^ 
among  some  Hurons  of  the  Tobacco  Nation,  who  had  reached  this 
remote  spot  after  years  of  wandering.^    Two  years  later,  in  1667, 

1  Relation,  1659-60.    /.  R.  XLV,  p.  219. 

^  Relation,  1659-60.  Ibid.  p.  223.  On  Sanson's  map  we  find  a  R.  de  Norte 
flowing  from  a  lake  situation  well  inland  into  the  Vermillion  Sea  or  Gulf  of 
California. 

^  Relation,  1666-7.  J-  R-  L,  p.  265.  Evidently  an  error  of  transposition 
has  been  made  in  describing  the  shores  of  Lake  Superior.  A  glance  at  a  map 
will  show  us  that  the  northern  shore  is  bent  while  the  southern  is  straight. 
Later  Dablon  gives  the  correct  idea. 

'^  Ibid.  pp.  267-73. 

^  Ibid.  p.  297. 

^  Ibid.  p.  307. 


Lake  Superior  Region  133 

AUouez  set  out  for  Lake  Alemibegong  (Nipigon),  which  he  be- 
lieved to  be  about  fifty  or  sixty  leagues  from  the  North  Sea.^ 
'Continuing  our  journey/  he  says,  'on  the  seventeenth  [of  May] 
we  crossed  a  portion  of  our  great  lake,  paddling  for  twelve  hours 
without  dropping  the  paddle  from  the  hand.'^  This  remarkable 
feat  of  crossing  even  a  portion  of  Lake  Superior  was  not  an  unusual 
one  with  the  Indians,  for  by  taking  advantage  of  favorable  weather 
they  could  cover  the  distance  from  Keweenaw  Point  to  Isle  Royale 
(approximately  forty-five  miles)  between  sunrise  and  sunset.^  Ar- 
riving on  the  northern  shore  AUouez  proceeded  in  a  northeasterly 
direction,  passing  from  island  to  island  until  he  reached  Isle  Roy- 
ale,  which  he  tells  us  is  at  least  twenty  leagues  in  length.  Thence 
he  journeyed  to  his  destination.  'After  accomplishing  a  good  part 
of  our  journey  on  the  lake,'  he  writes,  'we  left  it  on  the  twentj'-- 
fifth  of  this  month  of  May,  and  consigned  ourselves  to  a  river,  so 
full  of  rapids  and  falls  that  even  our  savages  could  go  no  farther; 
and  learning  that  Lake  Alimibegong  was  still  frozen  over,  thej^ 
gladly  took  the  two  days'  rest  imposed  upon  them  by  necessity.'* 
Presently  the  missionary  arrived  at  Lake  Nipigon  without  further 
difficulty,  and  paddled  from  island  to  island  until  he  came  to  the 
village  of  the  Nipissiriniens.^  So  much  for  Father  AUouez'  narra- 
tive. Brief  as  it  is  it  laid  the  foundation  of  geographical  knowledge 
for  Lake  Superior,  although  no  effort  was  made  at  this  time  to  draw 
a  map  based  on  the  Father's  report.  It  was  not  until  the  appear- 
ance of  the  Relation  of  16 70-1  that  we  have  a  map  (the  Lake  Su- 
perior map)  embodying  the  descriptions  of  Allouez  combined  with 
the  information  that  Father  Dablon  had  collected  from  miscellan- 
eous sources. 

Father  Dablon's  knowledge  of  Lake  Superior  comes  chiefly 
from  two  sources :  the  missionaries  and  the  Indians.  To  the  mis- 
sionaries he  was  indebted  for  his  knowledge  of  the  coast  west  of  a 
line  drawn  from  the  Sault  to  Nipigon  Bay,  while  to  the  Indians  he 
owed  his  information  regarding  the  eastern  shore.  Beginning  his 
description  of  Lake  Superior  the  Father  says :    'What  we  common- 

1  Ibid.  J.  R.  LI,  p.  63. 

2  Ibid.  p.  63. 

'  An  excellent  chart  of  Lake  Superior  is  that  published  in  19 19  by  the  War 
Department. 

*  Relation,  1666-7.  /.  R.  LI,  p.  65. 
^  Ibid.  pp.  67-69. 


134  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jeusits 

ly  call  the  sault  is  not  properly  a  sault,  or  a  very  high  waterfall, 
but  a  very  violent  current  of  waters  from  Lake  Superior. — It  is 
three  leagues  below  Lake  Superior,  and  twelve  above  the  Lake 
of  the  Hurons,  this  entire  extent  making  a  beautiful  river,  cut  up 
by  many  islands,  which  divide  it  and  increase  its  width  in  some 
places  so  that  the  eye  cannot  reach  across.'^  For  the  general  con- 
figuration of  the  lake  Dablon  has  taken  AUouez'  description,  cor- 
recting the  latter's  misstatement  as  to  the  northern  and  southern 
coastlines.  'This  lake,'  says  Dablon,  'has  almost  the  form  of  a 
bent  bow,  more  than  a  hundred  and  eighty  leagues  long;  the  south 
side  serves  as  its  string,  and  the  arrow  seems  to  be  a  great  tongue  of 
land  projecting  more  than  eighty  leagues  into  the  width  of  the 
lake,  starting  from  this  same  south  side,  at  about  its  middle.  The 
north  side  is  frightful,  by  reason  of  a  succession  of  rocks  which 
form  the  end  of  that  prodigious  mountain-chain  which,  beginning 
beyond  Cap  de  Tourmente,  below  Quebec,  and  continuing  as  far 
as  this  point,  over  a  distance  of  more  than  six  hundred  leagues  in 
extent,  finally  comes  and  loses  itself  at  the  end  of  this  lake.^  It  is 
clear  almost  throughout  and  unencumbered  with  islands,  which  are 
ordinarily  found  only  toward  the  north  shores.'^  Speaking  of  the 
rivers  flowing  into  this  lake,  he  mentions  the  Nantounagan  towards 
the  south  as  being  well  stocked  with  sturgeon,  as  was  also  a  river 
at  the  western  end  of  the  lake,  and  one  on  the  north  side  that 
takes  its  name  from  the  black  sturgeon  caught  there.^  These 
rivers  are  not  difficult  to  identify  as  the  Onontagon,  the  St.  Louis 
and  the  Black  Sturgeon.  They  are  first  shown  on  the  Lake  Supe- 
rior map,  though  only  the  Onontagon  is  named.  Dablon's  descrip- 
tion is  not  based  entirely  on  reports  of  responsible  men  like  AUouez, 
but  partially  on  those  of  savages,  as  he  candidly  admits,  for  he 
continues:  'Still  we  do  not  vouch  for  the  truth  of  all  we  are  about 
to  relate,  upon  their  [the  Indians]  simple  deposition,  until  we  are 
able  to  speak  with  more  assurance  after  having  gone  in  person  to 
the  place  referred  to.'^  But,  strange  to  say,  Dablon  is  despite  this 
warning  remarkably  accurate.  He  begins  with  the  eastern  coast, 
as  yet  unexplored  by  any  European  so  far  as  we  know.     'Upon 

1  Relation,  1669-70.    /.  R.  LIV,  p.  129. 

2  The  mountain  chain  is  the  Laurentian  Range. 

3  Relation,  1669-70.  /.  R.  LIV,  p.  149. 
*Ibid.  p.  151. 

^  Ibid.  p.  153. 


Lake  Superior  Region  135 

entering  it  [Superior]  by  its  mouth,  where  it  empties  into  the  Sault, 
the  first  place  met  where  copper  is  found  in  abundance,  is  an  island, 
distant  forty  or  fifty  leagues  and  situated  toward  the  north,  oppo- 
site a  spot  called  Missipicouatong  [Michipicoten].  The  savages 
say  that  it  is  a  floating  island.  .  .  .  And,  in  fact,  in  the  mem- 
ory of  man,  no  one  has  been  known  to  set  foot  there,  or  even  to  be 
willing  to  sail  in  that  direction, — although  the  island  seems  to  be 
open  enough,  and  its  trees  may  even  be  distinguished  from  another 
island,  named  Achemikouan.'^  The  floating  island  is  readily 
identified  as  Michipicoten,  distant  about  one  hundred  miles  from 
the  Sault  and  containing  a  considerable  amount  of  copper.^  The 
smaller  island,  here  called  Achemikouan,  is  probably  the  modern 
Caribou,  situated  some  twenty  miles  south  of  Michipicoten,  a 
distance  too  great  to  permit  the  distinction  of  trees  even  on  the 
clearest  day,  so  that  we  must  consider  this  statement  an  exaggera- 
tion as  no  other  island  in  the  vicinity  fulfills  the  requirements.^ 
Then  continuing  along  the  northern  shore  we  are  told  that:  'Ad- 
vancing as  far  as  the  part  called  ''the  great  inlet,"  one  comes  to 
■an  island  three  leagues  from  land,  renowned  for  the  metal  that  is 
found  there,  and  for  the  name  of  Tonnerre,  which  it  bears  because  it 
is  said  to  thunder  there  all  the  time.'*  There  are  three  large  inden- 
tations in  the  northern  coastline,  namely:  Thunder  Bay,  Black 
Bay  and  Nipigon  Bay.  From  the  name  itself  we  might  believe 
that  the  first  is  the  one  alluded  to,  and  the  island  in  question  to  be 
Pie  Island,  situated  at  its  entrance.  But  it  was  the  island,  not  the 
bay,  that  bore  the  name  Tonnerre.  We  would  naturally  assume 
that  a  feature  mentioned  in  the  text  would  be  prominently  repro- 
duced on  the  chart  based  on  that  text ;  and  by  glancing  at  the  Lake 
Superior  map  we  do  find  a  large  island,  now  called  St.  Ignace — an 
appropriate  reminder  of  the  Jesuits — located  at  the  entrance  to 
Nipigon  Bay.  Moreover  in  describing  the  island  of  Minong  or 
Isle  Royale  Dablon  places  it  west  of  Tonnerre,  a  location  that 

1  Relation,  1669-70.  /.  R.  LIV,  pp.  153-157. 

2  E.  D.  Ingall.  Report  on  Alines  and  Mining  on  Lake  Superior.  Part  I. 
Geol.  &  Nat.  Hist.  Sur.  of  Canada.    Vol.  Ill,  Pt.  II.    1887-8.  p.  ii-H. 

^  There  are  within  a  mile  or  so  of  Michipicoten  a  number  of  microscopic 
islets  called  Green  Island,  Ship  Island,  Hope  Island,  etc.,  though  it  is  improb- 
able that  such  small  spots  would  have  called  for  comment  in  the  narrative, 
and,  besides,  if  the  Indians  feared  the  vicinity  of  Michipicoten  they  would  not 
have  ventured  so  near  as  this  little  archipelago. 

*  Relation,  1669-70.    J.  R.  LIV,  p.  159. 


T36  Geogeaphical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

would  make  Tonnerre  conform  with  St.  Ignace,  but  not  with  Pie 
Island.  He  says :  'But  farther  toward  the  west,  on  the  same  north 
side,  is  found  the  island  which  is  most  famous  for  copper,  and  is 
called  Minong;  this  is  the  one  on  which,  as  the  savages  have  told 
many  people,  the  metal  exists  in  abundance,  and  in  many  places. 
It  is  large,  and  is  fully  twenty-five  leagues  long;  it  is  distant  seven 
leagues  from  the  mainland,  and  more  than  sixty  from  the  end  of  the 
lake.  .  .  .  This  large  island  is  almost  surrounded  with  islets 
that  are  said  to  be  formed  of  copper.  .  .  .  Again,  on  this 
northeast  side,  far  out  in  the  lake,  there  is  another  island  which, 
because  of  the  copper  in  which  it  abounds,  is  called  Manitouminis : 
of  this  it  is  related  that  those  who  came  here  formerly,  upon  throw- 
ing stones  at  the  ground,  made  it  ring,  just  as  brass  is  wont  to 
ring.'^  Thus  we  learn  of  the  great  Isle  Royale  with  the  little 
island  to  the  northeast,  known  to-day  as  Passage  Island,  well 
described  with  due  reference  to  its  copper  deposits.  Continuing 
the  narrative  Dablon  tells  us  that  in  reaching  the  southern  shore 
of  Lake  Superior  one  comes,  a  day's  journey  from  its  western 
terminus,  to  a  rock  of  copper;  and  twenty  or  thirty  leagues  east 
of  this  is  Chagaouamigong  Point,  where  the  mission  of  St.  Esprit 
had  been  established  by  Allouez.  Off  this  point  he  describes  a 
large  archipelago,  known  to-day  as  the  Apostles  Islands.^  Twenty 
leagues  farther  east  is  the  Nantounagan  River,  mentioned  above 
as  being  well  stocked  with  sturgeon. 

The  Lake  Superior  map  whose  features  are  drawn  largely 
from  Dablon's  account  forms  the  basis  of  all  early  map-making 
for  Lake  Superior.  The  Kev*^eenaw  Peninsula,  Chequamegon  Bay 
the  islands  of  Minong  and  Michipicoten  are  faithfully  reproduced 
by  Coronelli,  Raffeix  (his  map  shows  only  the  southern  portion  of 
the  lake)  and  Joliet,  and  they  also  appear  on  the  Mission  and  Great 
Lakes  charts.  Even  Franquelin's  map  of  1688  copies  the  Lake 
Superior  map  without  attempting  to  improve  its  salient  points, 
although  it  adds  here  and  there  a  bay  or  a  river,  discovered, 
probably,  in  later  explorations.  The  Lake  Superior  map  also  bears 
numerous  references  to  routes  from  western  Superior  to  various 
tribes,  tribes  that  it  was  hoped,  would  some  day  guide  venturesome 
explorers  along  the  long  sought  trails  to  the  western  and  northern 

1  Relation,  1669-70.  J.  R.  LIV,  pp.  159-161. 
^Ibid.  p.  161. 


Lake  Superior  Region  137 

seas,  A  river  entering  the  lake  near  Duluth^  is  faintly  indicated, 
and  carries  the  legend:  ^R.  pour  aller  aux  Nadouessi  a  60  lieux 
vers  le  couchant.'^  and  a  dotted  line  running  south  from  St.  Esprit 
is  called,  'Chemin  aux  Ilinois  a  150  lieux  vers  le  Midy.'^  Both  these 
routes  are  taken  presumably  from  Dablon's  Relation  of  16 70-1 
which  says,  in  speaking  of  the  Mississippi  River:  'Beyond  that 
great  river  he  the  eight  villages  of  the  Ilinois,  a  hundred  leagues 
from  Saint  Esprit  Point;  while  forty  or  fifty  leagues  westward 
from  the  latter  place  is  found  the  nation  of  the  Nadouessi.  .  .  . 
Still  farther  away  is  situated  another  nation,  of  an  unknown 
tongue,  beyond  which,  it  is  said,  lies  the  Western  Sea.'^  Father 
AUouez  had  previously  thrown  some  light  on  the  subject  when  he 
told  of  the  Illinois  Indians  as  living  more  than  sixty  leagues  south 
of  his  residence  at  St.  Esprit,  and  the  Sioux  as  dwelling  forty  or 
fifty  leagues  to  the  west.^  Father  Dablon  speaks  of  a  third  route. 
'Again,'  he  says,  'proceeding  toward  the  west-northwest,  we  find  the 
people  called  Assinipoualac,  constituting  one  large  village, — or, 
as  others  say,  thirty  small  villages  in  a  group — not  far  from  the 
North  Sea,  two  weeks'  journey  from  the  above-named  mission  of 
Saint  Esprit.'^  The  last  trail  indicated  on  the  Lake  Superior  chart 
by  the  inscription:  'R.  par  ou  Von  va  aux  Assinipoualac  a  120 
lieues  vers  le  norouest.  '^  The  distances  on  the  map,  it  will  be  noticed, 
vary  somewhat  from  those  given  in  the  Relation;  but  this  need 
not  cause  surprise  as  these  distances  were  guesswork  at  best  and 
subject  to  continual  revision.  The  river  leading  to  the  Assmipoua- 
lacs  appears  on  the  chart  as  flowing  into  Thunder  Bay,  and  from 
its  position  might  be  intended  for  the  Kaministikwia.  Yet  although 
the  Kaministikwia  leads  to  that  maze  of  lakes  northwest  of  Supe- 
rior which  culminates  in  the  Lake  of  the  Woods,  it  is  not  the  main 
artery  to  the  Albany  River  that  leads  to  Hudson  Ba3^  The 
Pigeon  River,  emptying  into  Lake  Superior  somewhat  south  of 
the  Kaministikwia,  is  a  more  logical  route  to  the  Bay;  and  both 
Coronelli  and  Franquelin  place  the  river  leading  to  the  Assinipoua- 

^  St.  Louis  River. 

^  River  to  go  to  the  Nadouessi  (Sioux)  60  leagues  towards  the  sunset. 
^  Route  to  the  IlHnois  150  leagues  to  the  south. 
*  Relation,  1 670-1.  J.  R.  LV,  pp.  97-99. 
'  Relation,  1666-7.  J-  R-  LI,  PP-  47  and  53. 
^  Relation,  1 670-1.  J.  R.     LV,  p.  99. 

^  River  by  which  one  goes  to  the  Assinipoualacs  1 20  leagues  towards  the 
northwest. 


138  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

lacs  in  the  position  of  the  Pigeon,  though  Raffeix,  Johet  (first  map), 
the  Great  Lakes  map  and  the  Mission  map  follow  the  presentation 
given  on  the  Lake  Superior  chart.  Franquelin,  however,  seems  to 
clinch  the  matter  by  showing  the  R.  des  Assinipoualacs  in  the  loca- 
tion of  the  Pigeon,  and  placing  above  it  a  river  flowing  into  Thun- 
der Bay,  which  he  calls  the  Kaministigouan.  The  Lake  Superior 
chart  also  brings  to  our  notice  the  first  suggestion  of  Lake  Nipigon 
and  the  river  leading  to  it.  This,  the  main  route  to  Hudson  Bay 
by  way  of  the  Albany  River,  is  shown  on  many  later  designs, 
notably  that  of  Franquelin,  1688. 

The  Lake  Superior  map  held  good  for  many  years.  Throughout 
the  seventeenth  century  and  well  down  into  the  eighteenth  we  look 
in  vain  for  charts  that  show  an  improvement  in  configuration, 
proportion  and  prominent  features.  Later  maps,  it  is  true,  give 
greater  detail  and  show  a  more  intimate  acquaintance  with  the 
eastern  half  of  the  lake;  but  the  figure  of  the  bent  bow,  with  the 
southern  shoreline  as  its  string  is  the  fundamental  outline  on  all 
maps.  The  geographical  knowledge  of  Lake  Superior  is  as  we  have 
seen  distinctly  a  Jesuit  contribution.  The  exploration  of  AUouez, 
the  summaiy  of  Dablon,  and  the  Lake  Superior  map,  all  compiled 
within  a  few  years,  revealed  with  great  clearness  the  geographical 
features  of  a  territory  that  had  hitherto  been  shrouded  in  obscurity. 


CHAPTER  V 

The  Jesuits  and  the  Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea 

HAVING  disposed  of  the  Jesuit  explorations  and  their  con- 
tributions to  geographical  knowledge  in  the  Great  Lakes  Basin 
and  in  the  Mississippi  Valley,  we  shall  now  retrace  our  steps  and 
see  what  the  Relations  contain  about  the  discovery  of  the  half- 
forgotten  trail  from  the  lower  St,  Lawrence  River  to  Hudson  Bay. 
And  here,  as  in  previous  instances,  we  may  begin  by  taking  into 
account  what  Champlain  had  learned  of  that  region  before  the 
Jesuits  put  in  an  appearance. 

The  Saguenay  River,  through  whose  waters  lies  the  route  to 
Hudson  Bay,  excited  but  little  interest  among  the  French.  Cham- 
plain  had  made  a  half-hearted  attempt  to  explore  it  in  1603.  He 
ascended  the  river  to  a  point  twelve  or  fifteen  leagues  from  its 
mouth  where  he  stopped  and  satisfied  his  curiosity  for  further 
geographical  knowledge  by  listening  to  the  tales  of  his  Indian 
guides.  He  speaks  of  the  Saguenay  as  a  river  of  remarkable  depth 
and  then,  analyzing  the  reports  he  had  heard  from  the  savages,  he 
says:  'I  think,  judging  from  what  I  have  heard  in  regard  to  its 
source,  that  it  comes  from  a  very  high  place,  whence  a  torrent  of 
water  descends  with  great  impetuosity.  .  ,  .  They  told  me 
that,  after  passing  the  first  fall,  whence  this  torrent  comes,  they 
pass  eight  other  falls,  when  they  go  a  day's  journey  without  finding 
any;  then  they  pass  ten  other  falls  and  enter  a  lake^  which  it 
requires  two  days  to  cross,  they  being  able  to  make  easily  from 
twelve  to  fifteen  leagues  a  day.  At  the  other  extremity  of  the  lake 
is  found  a  people  who  live  in  cabins.^  Then  you  enter  three  other 
rivers,  up  each  of  which  the  distance  is  a  journey  of  some  three  or 
four  days,^  At  the  extremity  of  these  rivers  are  two  or  three  bodies 
of  water,  like  lakes,  in  which  the  Saguenay  has  its  source,  from 
which  to  Tadoussac*  is  a  journey  of  ten  days  in  their  canoes. 
.     .     .     These  savages  from  the  north  say  that  they  live  in  sight 

^  Lake  St.  John. 

2  Probably  the  Porcupine  tribe. 

3  Lake  St.  John  has  several  rivers  flowing  into  it.  The  three  largest  are 
the  Peribonka,  the  Chamouchouan  and  the  Mistassini,  all  coming  from  a 
northerly  direction. 

*  Tadoussac  is  at  the  junction  of  the  Saguenay  and  the  St.  Lawrence. 

139 


I40  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

of  a  sea  which  is  salt,^  If  this  is  the  case,  I  think  it  is  a  gulf  of  that 
sea  which  flows  from  the  north  into  the  interior,  and  in  fact  it  cannot 
be  otherwise. '2  Excellent  as  is  this  description  of  the  source  of  the 
Saguenay  in  Lake  St.  John,  into  which  flow  three  large  rivers, 
Champlain's  interpretation  of  the  territory  beyond  is  even  more 
creditable,  for  he  guessed  the  existence  of  Hudson  Bay  several 
years  prior  to  its  discovery.  On  his  true  Meridian  map  of  1613  he 
has  outlined  the  geographical  features  described  above.  But  not- 
withstanding the  fact  that  he  gave  a  graphic  description  of  the 
Bay  on  this  map  and  again  on  his  map  of  1632,  and  made  its  outline 
familiar  to  Canadian  officials,  it  was  difficult  for  geographers  to 
connect  and  reconcile  Hudson  Bay  with  reports  of  a  northern  sea 
that  they  were  continually  receiving  from  the  Indians.  These  ac- 
counts were  generally  descriptions  of  trails  leading  from  nearby 
points  to  a  northern  ocean,  descriptions  that  were  relayed  from 
tribe  to  tribe  until  they  reached  the  Canadians.  As  a  sample  of 
these  rumors  we  may  cite  the  following  from  the  Relation  of  1659- 
60.  The  narrator  says  in  speaking  of  Lake  Superior:  'The  savages 
dwelling  about  the  end  of  the  lake  which  is  farthest  distant  from 
us,^  have  given  us  entirely  new  light,  which  will  not  be  displeasing 
to  the  curious,  touching  the  route  to  Japan  and  China,  for  which 
so  much  search  has  been  made.  For  we  learn  from  these  people 
that  they  find  the  sea  on  three  sides,  toward  the  south,  toward  the 
west,  and  toward  the  north ;  so  that,  if  this  is  so,  it  is  a  strong  argu- 
ment and  a  very  certain  indication  that  these  three  seas,  being  thus 
contiguous,  form  in  reality  but  one  sea,  which  is  that  of  China. 
For, — that  of  the  south,  which  is  the  Pacific  Sea  and  is  well  enough 
known,  being  connected  with  the  North  Sea,  which  is  equally  well 
known,  by  a  third  sea,  the  one  about  which  we  are  in  doubt, — 
there  remains  nothing  more  to  be  desired  than  a  passage  into  this 
great  sea,  at  once  a  western  and  an  eastern  sea.'* 

The  desire  to  find  the  western  ocean  was,  as  we  have  previously 
pointed  out,  an  important  object  to  Canadian  authorities,  and  a 
source  of  much  inspiration  to  pioneers  and  explorers.  For  this 
reason  interest  in  exploration — at  least  official  interest — was  cen- 

1  Hudson  Bay  or  James  Bay. 

2  E.  F.  Slafter.    Voyages  oj  Samuel  de  Champlain.    Vol.  I,  pp.  249  and  250. 
For  comments  on  Lake  St.  John  and  Hudson  Bay  see  note  on  p.  250. 

3  West  end  of  Lake  Superior. 
*  /.  R.  XLV,  pp.  221  to  223. 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  sea  141 

tered  about  the  Great  Lakes,  thus  leaving  the  upper  waters  of  the 
Saguenay  comparatively  neglected.  But  the  Jesuit  Fathers, 
whose  main  object  was  the  extension  of  their  spiritual  kingdom, 
manifested  quite  as  much  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  the  tribes 
on  the  upper  Saguenay  as  for  the  welfare  of  those  on  the  shores  of 
the  Great  Lakes.  So  while  Brebeuf,  Garnier  and  their  fellow- 
workers  preached  the  Gospel  with  unremitting  zeal  to  their  Huron 
neophytes,  a  few  devoted  men,  impelled  by  a  desire  to  comfort 
'these  poor  people — who  have  never  seen  anything  but  forests, 
rivers,  and  mountains;  who  have  conversed  only  with  caribous, 
elks  and  beavers,'^  betook  themselves  to  the  vicinity  of  Lake  St. 
John,  And  so  we  can  turn  to  the  Relations  with  a  feeling  of  confi- 
dence that  information  about  the  northern  trails  will  be  found  in 
their  pages. 

The  existence  of  Lake  St.  John  and  the  three  rivers  leading 
into  it  was  fairly  well  known,  thanks  to  Champlain,  when  Father 
de  Quen  started  on  his  expedition  to  the  Porcupine  tribe  (near  Lake 
St.  John)  in  1647.  Jean  de  Quen  came  to  Canada  in  1634  and  was 
stationed  at  Quebec.  He  remained  there  for  six  years  engaged  in 
local  activities,  and  was  then  transferred  to  Sillery  a  mission  near 
that  settlement.  His  chief  work  lay,  however,  in  the  Saguenay 
region  where  he  had  his  headquarters  at  Tadoussac;  and  it  was 
while  thus  engaged  that  he  discovered  Lake  St.  John.  The 
Father  on  his  voyage  of  1647  ascended  the  Saguenay  to  the  Chi- 
coutimi  River  by  way  of  which  he  reached  his  destination  after 
passing  through  Lake  Kenogami,  the  Kenogamich  River  and  La 
Belle  Riviere.  'It  is  necessary,'  he  says,  'to  cut  through  moun- 
tains, and  to  cross  chasms  hidden  in  the  depth  of  the  forests.  We 
thrice  changer  rivers;  the  first  on  which  we  embarked  is  called  the 
Sagne  [Saguenay].  ...  It  is  quite  wide;  its  banks  are 
scraped  with  frightful  mountains,  which  gradually  decrease  in 
height  until  as  far  as  1 5  or  twenty  leagues  from  its  mouth,  where  it 
receives  in  its  bosom  another  stream,  larger  than  itself,  which 
seems  to  come  from  the  west.^  We  sailed  another  ten  leagues  be- 
yond that  meeting  of  waters,  which  forms,  as  it  were,  a  beautiful 
lake ;  the  winds  which  pass  over  this  river  are  very  cold,  even  in 
the  midst  of  summer,  because  it  is  lined  with  mountains  and  is 

1  Relation,  1647.  /.  R.  XXXI,  p.  247. 

^  Ha  Ha  Bay.  This  presents  to  one  ascending  the  Saguenay  the  appear- 
ance of  a  large  river  coming  in  from  the  west. 


142  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

open  to  the  northwest  and  frequently  to  the  north.  From  this 
river  we  passed  to  another,  called  Kinougamiou,  which  flows  into 
the  Sagne  with  frightful  currents  and  over  frightful  precipices: 
we  made  a  league  and  a  half,  crossing  a  mountain  and  a  valley, 
in  order  to  overtake  it  in  a  navigable  place.  It  is  much  less  rapid 
than  the  Sagne,  winding  to  the  west,  to  the  south,  and  to  the  north- 
west; it  forms  a  lake  which  is  more  than  fifteen  leagues  long,  and 
almost  half  a  league  wide.'^  From  this  lake  (Kenogami),  which 
parallels  the  upper  Saguenay  between  Chicoutimi  and  Lake  St. 
John,  de  Quen  crossed  to  the  river  Kinougamichich,  which  he 
descended,  passing  through  the  branch  known  to-day  as  La  Belle 
Riviere.  'We  had  navigated  against  the  current  of  the  water  in 
the  two  preceding  rivers;'  he  continues,  'we  began  here  to  go  down 
into  the  lake  Piouagamik  [St,  John],  on  the  banks  of  which 
dwells  the  Porcupine  nation,  which  we  were  seeking.  This  lake  is 
so  large  that  one  hardly  sees  its  banks;  it  seems  to  be  round  in 
shape.  .  .  .  It  is  surrounded  by  a  flat  country,  terminating 
in  high  mountains,  distant  3,  or  four,  or  five  leagues  from  its 
shores.  It  is  fed  by  the  waters  of  fifteen  rivers,  or  thereabout, 
which  serve  as  highways  for  the  smaU  nations  which  are  back  in 
the  country,  to  come  to  fish  in  this  lake,  and  to  maintain  the  inter- 
course and  friendship  which  they  have  among  themselves. '^  A 
few  years  later  de  Quen  furnished  additional  information,  his  facili- 
ties for  exploration  having  been  increased  by  the  establishment  of 
a  mission  in  the  Porcupine  nation.  Speaking  of  the  outlet  of  Lake 
St.  John  he  says:  'The  latter  [St.  John]  empties  its  waters  through 
four  or  five  channels,^  which,  after  running  four  or  five  leagues, 
unite  to  make  a  single  river  that  we  call  the  Sagne,  which  comes  to 
discharge  its  waters  into  the  great  river  Saint  Lawrence  at  Tadous- 
sac.'*  This  description  of  Lake  St.  John  is  the  first  given  by  a 
European  from  personal  observation. 

Although  Father  de  Quen  revealed  little  that  Champlain  did 
not  know  by  hearsay,  nothing,  in  fact,  save  more  abundant  detail, 
cartographers  have  patiently  endeavored  to  do  justice  to  his  obser- 
vations.   Sanson  on  his  map  of  1650  gives  only  what  he  might  have 

1  Relation,  1647.  J.  R.  XXXI,  pp.  249  to  251. 

2  Ibid. 

^  A  good  description  of  the  formation  where  Lake  St.  John  enters  the 
Saguenay. 

*  Relation,  1651-2.  J.  R.  XXXVII,  p.  213. 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea  143 

learned  from  Champlain.  This  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  his 
chart  is  too  inclusive  to  permit  much  detail  of  any  particular  local- 
ity. His  sketch  of  1656,  however,  appears  to  show  an  acquaintance 
with  de  Quen's  narratives,  and  here  we  find  reproduced  with  rea- 
sonable accuracy  the  Saguenay  flowing  from  Lake  St.  John,  and 
also  the  river,  or  better  the  chain  of  lakes  and  rivers,  navigated  by 
de  Quen  between  the  lake  and  the  upper  Saguenay.  Creuxius  gave 
the  region  more  careful  study.  Not  content  with  following  Sanson 
in  tracing  the  streams  that  compose  the  Saguenay  route,  he  shows 
the  long  and  narrow  Lake  Kenogami,  which  forms  the  detour 
around  the  rapids  of  the  upper  Saguenay,  and  at  its  northern 
extremity  a  portage  to  the  Kinougamichich,  which  flows  into  L  S. 
Joannis.  Lake  St.  John  is  given  its  full  quota  of  rivers  debouch- 
ing into  it  from  every  direction,  while  its  outlet  to  the  Saguenay 
is  adorned  with  islands  made  by  the  separate  channels.  So  closely 
does  Creuxius  follow  the  details  given  by  de  Quen  that  one  can  say 
almost  without  a  doubt  that  he  had  the  Relations  before  him  when 
he  drew  this  territory  on  his  map  of  1660. 

We  now  turn  to  an  account  given  by  Father  Druillettes,  that 
indefatigable  pioneer  whose  footprints  are  to  be  found  in  the  re- 
motest corners  of  New  France.  His  account  contains  a  brief  sum- 
mary of  six  distinct  routes  from  the  St.  Lawrence  Basin  to  Hudson 
Bay.  Its  importance  lies  in  its  being  the  first  authentic  record  giv- 
ing even  a  faint  idea  of  the  pathways  reaching  through  the  northern 
forests  to  the  Bay.  Five  of  these  routes  are  not  difficult  to  identify 
on  a  modern  chart,  but  the  first,  namely  that  up  the  Saguenay 
River,  involves  many  difiiculties,  as  will  be  presently  explained, 
and  one  must  be  prepared  to  give  the  subject  careful  study,  as  the 
variants  of  the  Indian  names  for  geographical  features  are  alone 
sufficiently  puzzling  to  cause  the  reader  considerable  embarrass- 
ment. 

Gabriel  Druillettes  came  to  Canada  in  1643,  ^^^  spent  the 
first  year  preparing  himself  for  his  missionary  labors  by  learning 
the  Algonquin  tongue.  The  work  for  which  he  is  principally  re- 
membered is  the  mission  among  the  Abnakis  that  took  him  to 
Maine,  where  he  acquired  such  a  familiarity  with  the  region  as  to 
lead  to  his  selection  as  an  ambassador  to  Boston  with  powers  to 
conclude  an  alliance  with  the  Puritans  against  the  Iroquois.  Later 
he  spent  some  time  among  the  Montagnais  in  the  Saguenay  dis- 


144  Geographical  Contributions  op  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

trict  where  he  obtained  the  following  important  information. 
*I  send  you/  he  says  in  a  letter  to  his  superior  which  is  contained  in 
the  Relation  of  1657-8/  'some  memoranda  which  I  have  obtained 
partly  from  two  Frenchmen^  who  have  made  their  way  far  inland, 
and  partly  from  several  savages  who  are  eye-witnesses  to  the  things 
which  I  am  about  to  describe,  and  which  will  be  of  service  in 
draughting  a  general  map  of  those  regions.  You  will  see,  in  the 
sketch  that  I  send,  where  I  have  placed  Tadoussac,  Three  Rivers, 
the  Lake  of  the  Nipisiriniens,  and  the  Great  Saulfc;  and,  if  I  have 
not  located  them  correctly,  you  will,  if  you  please,  rectify  my 
scrawl.^  In  it  you  will  also  see  the  new  routes  for  going  to  the 
North  Sea,  by  way  of  Tadoussac,  by  way  of  Three  Rivers,  and  by 
way  of  the  Nipisiriniens,  with  the  distances  between  places  esti- 
mated according  to  the  number  of  days  taken  by  the  savages  to 
make  the  journeys;  I  reckoned  fifteen  leagues  a  day  going  down 
stream, — owing  to  the  swiftness  of  the  current, — and  seven  or  eight 
leagues  going  up.  I  have  traced  these  routes,  following  the 
rhumb-line  marked  by  the  savages  themselves,  always  in  a  direc- 
tion between  northwest  and  west,  or  west  by  south;  very  seldom 
due  north.'*  Here  we  have  an  instance  of  a  Jesuit  Father  noting 
down  the  geographical  data  of  an  unknown  territory  and  incorpor- 
ating his  information  on  a  map.  This  sketch  is  unfortunately  one 
of  those  no  longer  in  existence.  In  discussing  the  routes  we  shall 
take  them  up  in  the  order  named  in  the  narrative,  which  is  also, 
with  the  exception  of  the  sixth  trail,  the  order  in  which  they  appear 
on  the  map  from  east  to  west. 

Before  discussing  the  routes  themselves  it  is  necessary  to  give 
at  least  a  brief  description  of  the  little  known  country  they  tra- 
versed. North  of  Lake  St.  John,  and  situated  about  one  third  of 
the  way  between  that  body  of  water  and  the  southernmost  tip 
of  James  Bay,  lies  Lake  Mistassini,  an  inland  sea  of  respectable 
dimensions  and  by  far  the  most  important  lake  in  this  region.^ 
In  configuration  it  is  long  and  narrow;  and  running  parallel  to  it 

1  J.  R.  XLIV. 

2  Radisson  and  Groseilliers. 

^  This  is  one  of  the  lost  maps  of  Chapter  I. 

*  J.  R.  XLIV,  pp.  237  to  239. 

'"  It  is  impossible  to  show  on  the  map  that  accompanies  this  chapter  all 
the  details  of  this  region.  A  more  detailed  chart  is  the  Southwest  sheet  of 
the  Map  of  the  Labrador  Peninsula  in  the  Geological  Survey  of  Canada,  Vol. 
Ill,  New  Series. 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea  145 

in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  it  the  appearance  of  greater  breadth 
is  another  lake  that  might  be  considered  a  branch  or  bay  of  Mistas- 
sini  itself.  To  the  east  of  Mistassini  is  a  height  of  land  rising  more 
than  thirteen  hundred  feet  above  the  sea-level,  which  divides  the 
waters  of  Hudson  Bay  from  those  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  This 
ridge  runs  from  northeast  to  southwest.  Lake  Mistassini  drains 
into  James  Bay  through  the  Rupert  River,  a  stream  that  enters 
the  bay  at  its  southeastern  extremity,  just  above  the  fifty-first 
parallel.  About  seventy-five  miles  from  its  mouth  the  Rupert 
passes  through  a  lake  called  Nemiskau.  Between  this  lake  and 
Mistassini  the  river  bends  northward  like  a  bow,  while  a  tributary, 
the  Marten,  which  enters  it  just  above  Lake  Nemiskau,  forms,  as 
it  were,  the  bow-string.  The  Rupert  -Marten  waterway,  therefore 
was  frequently  used  a  a  short  cut  on  descending  from  Lake  Mistas- 
sini to  the  Bay.  Paralleling  the  Rupert  on  the  north,  though  in  no 
wise  connected  with  it,  is  the  East  Main  or  Slade  River.  Another 
important  stream  to  note  for  our  purpose  is  the  Nottaway  which 
empties  into  James  Bay  a  few  miles  south  of  the  Rupert,  It  rises 
in  a  maze  of  lakes,  some  of  which  extend  to  the  sources  of  the  St. 
Maurice  (the  river  that  flows  into  the  St.  Lawrence  at  Three 
Rivers),  while  others  connect  with  the  chain  of  lakes,  of  which  the 
three  largest  are  Wahwinichi,  Chibougamou  and  Obatagamou, 
that  drains  into  Mistassini.^  These  lakes,  be  it  understood,  are  all 
north  of  the  height  of  land. 

Turning  to  the  country  southeast  of  the  divide  we  find  Lake 
St,  John  receiving  into  its  bosom  from  the  north  the  waters  of 
three  rivers — the  Peribonka,  the  Mistassini  and  the  Cham.ouch- 
ouan,  the  mouths  of  the  last  two  being  within  a  few  miles  of  each 
other.  It  is  well  to  note,  since  it  forms  the  principal  route  from 
Lake  St.  John  to  Lake  Mistassini,  that  the  Chamouchouan  is  made 
by  the  junction  of  two  streams,  the  Chief  (and  its  continuation  the 
Sapin  Croche)  that  rises  in  File  Axe  Lake  near  Lake  Mistassini, 
and  the  Chegobich  whose  continuation,  the  Nikaubau,  rises  in 
Lake  Nikaubau.^  The  two  branches  join  just  above  the  Chaudiere 
Falls  at  the  forty-ninth  parallel.    Lake  Nikaubau  is  located  south 

^  The  spelling  of  many  names  in  this  region  varies  v/ith  different  maps. 
An  excellent  chart  is  the  Basin  of  the  Nottaway  River,  published  in  the  Geo- 
logical Survey  of  Canada,  Vol.  XIII. 

^  The  Chegobich  and  the  Chamuochouan  on  some  maps  are  regarded  as 
one  and  are  called  the  Ashuapmuchuan. 


146  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

of  Lake  Obatagamou,  which  we  have  said  is  one  of  the  chain  empty- 
ing into  Lake  Mistassini.  It  receives  from  a  southerly  direction 
the  Foam  Falls  River,  a  stream  that  takes  its  som"ce  near  the  St. 
Maurice.  The  entire  northern  territory  was  crossed  by  a  number 
of  trails  of  which  Druillettes  noted  six  leading  to  James  Bay. 

In  order  to  get  a  clear  understanding  of  the  northern  trails  it  is 
necessary  to  quote  in  full  from  Druillettes'  report.  'The  first  route 
to  the  North  Sea,  starting  from  Tadoussac,  runs  nearly  northward ; 
its  course  is  as  follows :  One  must  ascend  the  Sagne  River,  which 
empties  into  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence  at  Tadoussac,  and  paddle 
up  to  the  lake  called  Piouakouami  [St.  John],  distant  from  Tadous- 
sac about  forty  leagues  in  a  straight  line.  The  savages  take  five 
days  to  go  up  by  this  route,  because  of  the  currents  and  falls  which 
they  encounter;  but  they  need  only  two  days'  journey  for  the 
descent,  being  aided  by  the  swiftness  of  the  current.  From  Lake 
Piouakouami  one  must  proceed  to  another  lake  named  Outakou- 
ami;  the  distance  between  the  two,  according  to  the  savages' 
account,  is  the  same  as  chat  between  Kebec  and  Montreal,  that  is, 
sixty  leagues,  which  they  accomplish  in  ten  days  going  up  and  in 
five  coming  down.  The  distance  from  Lake  Outakouami  to  the 
sea  is,  as  I  infer  from  their  reports,  about  sixty  leagues.  They 
take  five  days  for  this  journey,  which  is  slightly  descending,  by 
way  of  a  large  bay  or  inlet  which  is  on  the  same  meridian  as  this 
lake,  toward  the  north.  On  the  left  side  of  Lake  Outakouami,  as 
you  go  toward  the  west,  a  river,  flowing  from  the  inland  region,  or 
rather  from  the  forests  with  which  this  country  is  completely 
covered,  empties  into  this  lake.  The  savages  say  that,  on  ascending 
this  stream,  one  comes  to  the  river  Metaberoutin  [St.  Maurice], 
which  we  call  the  Three  Rivers,  about  three  days'  journey  beyond 
a  lake  called  by  them  Ouapichiouanon;  and  thence  one  proceeds 
to  the  bay  of  the  people  named  Kilistinons,^  who  are  on  the  North 
Sea.'2 

'The  second  route  to  this  sea  is  byway  of  the  Three  Rivers, 
going  toward  the  northwest.  One  goes  from  Three  Rivers  to  the 
lake  called  Ouapichiouanon,  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  from 
where  the  Three  Rivers  empty  into  the  St.  Lawrence.  .  .  . 
From  the  lake  one  proceeds  in  a  straight  line  to  the  river  of  the 

^  The  Crees.    The  Bay  is  either  Hudson  Bay  or  James  Bay. 
2  Relation,  1657-8.    J.  R.  XLIV,  pp.  239  to  241. 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea  147 

Ouakouingouechiouek,  Last  spring  the  savages  covered  this  dis- 
tance in  three  days,  although  it  is  fully  forty  leagues.  .  .  . 
From  the  river  of  the  Ouakouingouechiouek  to  the  bay  of  the 
Kilistinons  called  Nisibourounik,  I  estimate  the  distance  at  about 
sixty  or  seventy  leagues,  and  it  is  accomplished  in  four  days.'^ 

'Third  route.  The  Nipisiriniens,  starting  from  their  lake, — 
which  is  called  Nipisin,  .  .  .  reach  the  North  Sea  in  fifteen 
days;  that  is,  their  lake  is  distant  therefrom  perhaps  a  hundred 
and  fifty  leagues.'^ 

'Fourth  route.  The  Achirigouans,  who  live  on  a  river  emptying 
into  the  Fresh-water  Sea  of  the  Hurons,  go  in  a  few  days  to  trade 
with  the  Ataouabouskatouk  Kilistinons,  who  are  on  the  sea- 
shore.'^ 

'Fifth  route.  The  upper  Algonquins  reach  the  sea  in  seven  days, 
going  in  three  days  to  the  lake  called  Alimibeg  [Nipigon],  and  thence 
descending  in  four  more  days  to  the  Bay  of  the  Kilistinons,  which 
is  on  the  coast. '^ 

Sixth  route  is  'from  the  country  of  the  Hurons  to  Three  Rivers, 
starting  from  the  lake  called  Temagami,— that  is,  "deep  water," — 
which  I  think  is  the  Fresh-water  Sea  of  the  Hurons,  and  the  source 
of  the  great  St.  Lawrence  River.^  After  proceeding  some  distance 
on  this  great  river  [Ottawa],  one  goes  across  country  about  fifteen 
leagues,  passing  some  small  streams,  to  the  lake  called  Ouas- 
sisanik,  whence  flows  a  river  which  takes  one  to  [the]  Three  Rivers.'^ 

It  is  to  Creuxius  that  we  must  turn  for  assistance  in  unraveling 
this  network  of  forests  trails,  for  he  has  interpreted  them  faithfully 
on  his  map,  though,  unfortunately,  he  complicates  the  situation  by 
Latinizing  the  Indian  names,  already  sufficiently  exasperating, 
and  with  startling  results.  The  first  route,  by  way  of  the  Saguenay, 
which  is  the  most  difficult  to  reconcile  with  modern  surveys,  is 
handled  very  easily  by  Creuxius,  who  was  unhampered  by  any 
knowledge  of  existing  topographical  conditions.  His  map  shows  a 
river  running  due  south  into  Lake  St.  John  from  a  range  called 
monies  editi,  and  north  of  these  mountains  is  a  short  stream  flowing 

^  Ibid.  pp.  241  to  243. 
^  Ibid.  p.  243. 
3  Ibid.  p.  243. 
'^  Ibid.  p.  243. 

*  Evidently  Druillettes  refers  to  the  Ottawa  which  is  a  branch  of  the  St. 
Lawrence. 

^  Ibid.  p.  245. 


148  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

into  Outakouamicus  Lacus,  whence  it  continues  northward  for  a 
short  distance  to  the  sea.  On  the  western  shore  of  Outakouamicus 
is  seen  a  river,  the  Ouakouingouachiouec,  connecting  directly 
with  Hudson  Bay,  through  a  territory  bearing  the  name,  Kilis- 
tones.  Into  this  river  there  flows  from  the  south  another  stream, 
uniting  it  with  the  Meiaberatinus  or  St.  Maurice,  after  passing 
through  Ouapataouagachous  Lacus.^  The  difficulties  experienced  in 
reconciling  the  route  described  by  Druillettes  with  known  geo- 
graphical facts  are  almost  insuperable,  due  principally  to  the  omis- 
sion of  any  reference  to  Lake  Mistassini,  by  far  the  largest  and  most 
important  body  of  water  between  the  St.  Lawrence  and  Hudson 
Bay,  and  a  lake  through  which  lies  the  main  route  from  Lake  St. 
John  to  Hudson  Bay,  a  route  traversed  a  few  years  later  by  Father 
Albanel.  As  it  is  highly  improbable  that  several  trails  to  the 
North  Sea  could  be  described  without  allusion  to  the  principal 
thoroughfare  through  the  northern  territory,  we  must  be  prepared 
to  identify  Lake  Mistassini  with  some  body  of  water  mentioned  by 
Druillettes.  Upon  examining  Creuxius'  map  closely  we  find  that 
his  delineation  of  the  first  route  corresponds  quite  accurately  with 
the  one  taken  by  Albanel,  if  we  identify  Lake  Outakouami  with 
Lake  Mistassini.  The  river  rising  in  the  Monies  Editi  is  intended, 
we  think,  for  the  modern  Chamouchouan,  as  it  enters  Lake  St. 
John  opposite  the  Saguenay,  and  runs,  during  the  northern  half 
of  its  course,  through  a  small  chain  of  lakes,  receiving  in  the  south- 
ernmost lake  the  waters  of  the  Misiassirus  Fl.,  which  descends  from 
the  northeast.  This  latter  stream  may  have  been  intended  for  the 
Mistassini  River,  although  one  sees  by  glancing  at  a  modern  chart 
that  the  Mistassini  empties  into  Lake  St.  John  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Chamouchouan  and  not  into  that  river  itself.  Flowing  from 
the  northwest  into  the  main  stream  (now  identified  with  the 
Chamouchouan)  a  small  river  is  shown  by  Creuxius.  This  river 
we  assume  to  be  the  Chegobich,  descending  from  a  small  mountain 
range.  It  is  labelled  Episgoeskaus  Fl.  Near  its  source  are  tv>70  rivers, 
one,  south  of  the  mountain  range,  connects  with  the  Metaberoutin 
(St.  Maurice),  the  other,  called  Namebecus  FL,  rises  north  of  the 
divide  and  flows  into  Lake  Outakouamicus.     By  comparing  this 

1  It  is  impossible  on  this  map  in  many  cases  to  tell  the  direction  in  which  a 
river  is  intended  to  run,  as  the  designer  often  connects  two  streams  known 
to  flow  in  opposite  directions.  However,  it  was  frequently  the  custom  in  the 
seventeenth  century  to  indicate  portages  by  a  continuous  passage. 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea  149 

outline  with  a  modern  map  one  is  surprised  to  see  how  well  it  con- 
forms with  actual  geography.  Moreover,  it  corresponds  roughly 
to  the  narratives  of  Dablon  and  Albanel,  who  penetrated  north- 
ward in  this  direction,  the  former  to  the  divide  at  a  place  called 
Necouba,  the  latter  through  to  James  Bay.  By  ascending  the 
Chamouchouan  and  the  Chegobich  one  reaches  Lake  Nikaubau 
on  the  divide.  Crossing  the  divide  at  this  point  and  passing  dovv^n 
through  Lakes  Obatagamou,  Chibougamou  and  Wahwanichi^  one 
reaches  Mistassini;  in  fact,  this  route  was  chosen  by  Fathers  Dab- 
lon and  Albanel  as  less  difficult  than  the  shorter  one  by  way  of  the 
Chief  River  and  File  Axe  Lake.^  From  this  analysis  one  is  inclined 
to  believe  that  the  Outakouamicus  Lacus  of  Creuxius  and  Druil- 
lettes  is  identical  with  Lake  Mistassini,  through  whose  waters  lies 
the  main  highway  to  James  Bay.  Assuming  this  Creuxius  becomes 
intelligible.  The  river  leading  from  Outakouamicus  to  Hudson 
Bay  is  the  Rupert-Marten.  It  extends  with  its  many  lakes  and 
portages  about  sixty  miles,  due  allowance  being  made  for  erroneous 
orientation,  as  the  Rupert  flows  west  and  not  north  as  Druillettes 
intimates  when  he  speaks  of  the  'large  bay  or  inlet  which  is  on  the 
same  meridian  as  this  lake,  toward  the  north.'  The  short  stream 
on  Creuxius'  map  flowing  due  north  from  Outakouamicus  to  the  sea 
may  be  set  aside  as  purely  imaginary,  though  it  reappears  on  many 
charts. 

In  connection  with  the  first  route  we  have  a  secondary  trail 
branching  off  from  Lake  Outakouami  and  connecting  with  the 
St.  Maurice  River.  This  presents  but  little  difficulty  now  that  we 
have  identified  that  lake  with  Mistassini.  The  traveller  in  ascend- 
ing the  Chamouchouan  from  Lake  St.  John  could,  instead  of  going 
up  the  Chegobich  branch,  trace  the  source  of  the  main  stream  up 
the  Chief  and  Sapin  Croche  Rivers  to  File  Axe  Lake.  Then  going 
over  to  Lake  Mistassini  he  would  find  'on  the  left  ...  as  you 
go  to  the  west,'  to  use  Druillettes'  words,  a  river,  the  outlet  of 
Wahwanichi  Lake.  Passing  up  through  this  lake  and  those  to  the 
southwest  of  it,  namely,  Chibougamou  and  Obatagamou,  Lake 
Nikaubau  is  easily  reached,  and  into  this  last  body  of  water  flows 

^  These  names  and  their  spelling  are  taken  from  the  Labrador  map  of 
1696.    They  will  be  found  to  differ  on  other  charts. 

=*  Dablon,  who  went  as  far  as  Nikaubau  in  1661,  speaks  of  taking  this 
route  in  preference  to  the  main  stream  of  the  Chamouchouan.  Relation, 
1660-1.  J.  R.  XLVI,  p.  273. 


150  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

the  Foam  Falls  River  which  rises  near  the  sources  of  the  St. 
Maurice.  In  fact  this  trail  was  actually  taken  in  recent  times  by  a 
scientific  expedition  that  ascended  the  Foam  Falls  to  the  height 
of  land  that  divides  the  waters  of  Lake  St.  John  from  those  of  the 
St.  Maurice.  Here  the  expedition  embarked  on  a  tributary  of  the 
Foam  Falls  called  the  Clear  Water,  and  reached  Sandy  Beach 
Lake,  where  the  St.  Maurice  comes  in  from  the  northwest.^  This 
interpretation  of  Druillettes'  description  does  not,  it  is  true,  follow 
Creuxius'  map,  nor  does  it  take  into  account  Lake  Ouapichiouanon, 
for  it  will  be  remembered  that  Druillettes  quotes  the  savages  as 
saying  that  by  the  river  that  comes  from  the  west  one  comes  to  the 
Metaberoutin  or  Three  Rivers  'about  three  days'  journey  beyond 
a  lake  called  by  them  Ouapichiouanon ;  and  thence  one  proceeds  to 
the  bay  of  the  people  of  the  Kilistinons,  who  are  on  the  North  Sea.' 
The  lake  in  question  might  be  any  of  the  numerous  ones  along  the 
route,  such  as  Nakaubau  or  Obatagamou,  and  to  reach  Hudson  Bay 
from  the  head- waters  of  the  St.  Maurice  was  an  easy  matter  as  will 
be  seen  in  our  discussion  of  the  second  route.  De  Lisle,  on  his  Carte 
du  Canada  ou  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  1703 ,2  gives  what  is  perhaps 
the  most  literal  interpretation  of  Druillettes.  Here  we  see  the 
Periboca  (Peribonka)  issuing  from  Lake  Outakouami  (situated  a 
trifle  to  the  east  of  Mistassini)  and  flowing  into  Lake  St.  John. 
Outakouami  is  connected  with  Hudson  Bay  by  a  R.  des  Ouakouing- 
ouechiouek,  flowing  through  a  lake  of  the  same  unpronounceable 
name  to  the  Riviere  des  Pitchihourouni,  or  East  Main.  Northward 
flows  a  river  bearing  an  inscription  to  the  effect  that  according  to 
the  reports  of  savages  the  stream  empties  into  the  North  Sea  after  a 
course  of  sixty  leagues,  and  the  map  shows  the  stream  falling  into 
a  hazy  outline  of  a  bay  which  bears  the  inscription:  'Grande  Baye 
au  r apart  des  Sauvages.'^  Yet  it  is  obvious  that  such  a  scheme  would 
make  a  connection  with  the  St.  Maurice  impracticable,  although 
according  to  Druillettes'  account,  such  a  connection  existed.  There 
seems,  however,  to  have  been  a  lingering  tradition  of  a  large  body 
of  water  in  this  northern  region,  for  Father  Laure's  map^  shows  at 
its  northern  extremity  the  partial  outline  of  a  lake  with  the  legend: 

1  James  Richardson.    Report  on  the  Country  North  of  Lake  St.  John.  1871. 
Geological  Survey  of  Canada.    Report  of  Progress.     1 870-1.  p.  285. 

2  De   Lisle's   Atlas  de  Geographie.     1700-1712.     Copy  in  the  Library  of 
Congress. 

^  Large  bay  according  to  the  report  of  savages. 
■*  This  map  will  be  described  presently. 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea  151 

'L.  Oupinigan  ou  les  Anglais  vont  en  traite.  Les  Mistassins  assurent 
qu'il  est  presque  aussi  grand  que  lew  lac.'^  What  this  lake  may  have 
been  we  can  only  guess. 

It  was  not  until  Father  Albanel  discovered  the  Rupert-Marten 
trail  to  Hudson  Bay  that  we  find  any  attempt  to  portray  this  re- 
gion, other  than  on  the  chart  of  Creuxius  cited  above.  Conscienti- 
ous efforts  were  then  made  to  combine  the  narrative  of  Albanel 
with  the  information  furnished  by  Creuxius  and  Druillettes.  For 
this  purpose  cartographers  placed  Lake  Mistassini  in  a  suitable 
location,  connecting  it  with  Hudson  Bay  and  Lake  St.  John  by 
rivers  much  according  to  Albanel's  description.  Then  to  the  east 
they  insert  a  smaller  lake,  the  Outakouam,  from  which  flow  three 
rivers;  one,  the  Peribonka  to  Lake  St.  John,  a  second  after  passing 
through  Lake  Ouapichianon  runs  parallel  to  the  Rupert  in  the 
position  now  accorded  to  the  East  Main,  while  a  thu-d  flows  due 
north  to  the  sea.  Franquelin's  map,  1688,  deserves  serious  atten- 
tion because  of  its  faithful  rendering  of  the  region  under  discussion. 
We  see  the  Periboca  flowing  into  Lake  St.  John  from  a  nameless 
body  of  water  which  is  connected  with  Mistassini,  here  bearing 
the  name  of  Timagaming,  by  a  chain  of  lakes  and  small  streams 
that  seem  to  run  past  the  Hauteur  des  Terre  without  a  break.^ 
From  Timagaming  direct  to  Lake  St.  John  is  a  river,  while  to  the 
west  of  this  stream  the  Nicouba  flows  into  St.  John,  and  near  the 
source  of  the  Nicouba  is  a  river  emptying  into  Lake  Timagaming. 
The  entire  scheme  is  extremely  accurate ;  the  main  stream  connect- 
ing Lakes  Mistassini  and  St.  John  being  in  a  position  similar  to  the 
Chamouchouan,  Chief  and  Sapin  Croche  Rivers,  while  the  St. 
Maurice  is  brought  close  enough  to  be  within  easy  reach  of  Tima- 
gaming.^   De  Fer  on  his  two  maps  of  1718^  has  carried  out  the  plan 

^  L.  Oupinigan  where  the  EngUsh  go  to  trade.  The  Mistassins  say  that 
it  is  almost  as  big  as  their  lake. 

2  This  corresponds  so  accurately  to  modern  maps  that  it  must  have  been 
derived  from  an  eye-witness.  A.  P.  Low,  who  went  from  the  headwaters  of 
the  Peribonka  to  Lake  Mistassini,  reached  them  by  ascending  the  Bersiamites 
River  and  not  the  Peribonka.  He  describes  the  chain  of  lakes  and  height  of 
land  in  a  way  that  resembles  Franquelin's  delineation  very  much.  Report  of 
the  Mistassini  Expedition.  Part  D.  Annual  Report,  1885.  Geo.&  Nat.  Hist. 
Survey  of  Canada,  p.  9-D. 

^  On  the  Labrador  map  is  a  Lake  Timiscamie  northeast  of  Lake  Mistassini. 

*  De  Fer's  maps  referred  to  here  are  the  Carte  de  la  Nouvelle  France  etc. 
Dressee  sur  les  Memories  les  plus  Nouveaux  recueillis  pour  V Etahlissement  de 
la  Compagnie  Frangoise  Occident.  One  is  a  map  issued  in  171 8  for  Law's 
Mississippi  scheme;  the  other  is  an  enlarged  reproduction  of  the  eastern  sec- 
tion of  the  former.    There  are  copies  in  the  Carter  Brown  Library. 


152  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

well,  obviously  under  the  indirect  influence  of  Druillettes,  as  he 
seems  to  have  copied  de  Lisle  (1703)  fairly  closely.  He  has  pro- 
jected on  his  smaller  map  a  river  running  northward  from  Lake 
Outakouam  into  the  Baie  des  Esquimaux,  an  imaginary  arm  of 
the  Atlantic  Ocean.  His  other  map  is  drawn  on  too  large  a  scale  to 
embrace  the  North  Sea;  but  the  river  flowing  into  it  bears  the 
inscription:  'Riv.  qui  les  sauvages  disent  tomber  dans  la  mer  du 
nord  pres  de  60  lieues  de  cours.'^  It  would  seem  on  the  whole  as 
though  Franquelin  and  de  Fer  had  followed  Creuxius  to  a  certain 
extent,  using  his  Lacus  Outakouamicus  for  their  Misfcassini  or 
Timagaming. 

Years  later  in  1731  Father  Laure,  whose  long  acquaintance 
with  this  region  permits  him  to  speak  with  authority,  issued  a 
chart  covering  the  region  under  discussion.^  Its  most  striking 
feature  is  the  extraordinarily  accurate  portrayal  of  the  peculiar 
contour  of  Lake  Mistassini,  a  feat  that  could  only  have  been  per- 
formed by  one  familiar  with  its  topography.  The  lakes  and  rivers 
of  Albanel's  route  are,  of  course,  shown  with  a  fair  degree  of  ac- 
curacy; but  the  Peribonka  River,  assumed  by  early  authorities, 
and  by  some  modern  ones  as  well,  to  be  Druillettes  first  trail,  is 
extended  northward  but  a  few  leagues,  thus  rendering  access  to  the 
North  Sea  impracticable  by  this  stream. 

The  objection  to  tracing  Druillettes'  first  route  by  a  water 
highway  around  Lake  Mistassini  will  be  seen  by  a  glance  at  a 
modern  chart.  The  Peribonka  River  rises  near  a  height  of  land 
northeast  of  Mistassini  where  there  are  numerous  lakes,  any  one  of 
which  could  be  selected  for  Outakouami;  but  should  we  attempt 
to  follow  this  trail  we  should  see  that  there  is  no  water  connection 
with  the  East  Main  River  that  would  offer  a  practical  route  to 
Hudson  Bay.  One  might  ascend  a  branch  of  the  Peribonka  and 
reach  Mistassini  by  Temiscanie  Lake;  yet  even  so,  no  one,  least 
of  all  an  Indian  with  his  uncanny  orientation  in  the  trackless 
forests,  would  attempt  to  arrive  at  his  goal  by  such  a  roundabout 
way.^     Druillettes'  description,  despite  its  value,  is  so  much  at 

1  The  river  which  the  savages  say  falls  into  the  north  sea  after  a  course  of 
60  leagues. 

2  Carte  du  Domaine  du  Roy  en  Canada.  1731.  A  good  copy  is  found  in  C. 
de  Rochemonteix.    Les  Jesuites  et  la  Nouvelle  France.    1895. 

^  R.  G.  Thwaites  gives  the  first  route  as  follows:  'The  first  of  these  routes 
to  Hudson  Bay  followed  the  Saguenay  up  to  Lake  St.  John  (Piouakouami) ; 
then  entered  the  tributary  of  that  lake  named  Peribonka,  proceeding  N.E.  to 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea  153 

variance  with  subsequent  discoveries,  both  by  Jesuit  pioneers  and 
by  modern  surveyors,  that  we  are  obHged  to  allow  considerable 
range  to  the  imagination  and  to  avoid  being  positive  or  dogmatic. 

The  second  route  offers  no  great  difficulty  if  we  consult  a  mod- 
ern map  rather  than  the  older  charts,  which  as  a  rule  give  but  little 
information  on  the  subject.  By  ascending  the  St.  Maurice 
(Metaberoutin)  to  its  source  one  may,  after  crossing  a  chain  of 
lakes,  reach  the  headwaters  of  the  Netchiskau  River  that  enters 
the  Nottaway  at  Mettagami  Lake;  or,  since  the  text  traces  the 
path  through  Lake  Ouapichiouanon  (which  we  have  assumed  is 
Nikaubau),  it  is  possible  to  enter  the  Nottaway  by  the  Foam  Falls 
River,  Nikaubau  Lake,  Obatagamou  Lake  and  the  Meguitsu  River. 
The  latter  course  is,  in  substance,  the  one  adopted  by  Creuxius, 
who  has  shown  the  various  bodies  of  water,  not  in  their  precise 
locations,  but  in  their  relations  to  one  another. 

The  third  route,  namely  that  taken  by  the  Nipissing  Indians, 
begins  at  Lake  Nipissing  and  descends  the  Mattawan  River  to  the 
Ottawa,  then,  turning  northward  up  that  stream,  passes  through 
Lake  Timiskaming  and  Quinze  Lake,  then  the  lower  Abitibi, 
where  it  follows  the  Abitibi  River  to  its  junction  with  the  Moose, 
which  empties  into  James  Bay.^  Creuxius  represents  this  course 
but  crudely.  From  Lake  Nipissing  there  runs,  on  his  chart,  a 
Fl.  Nipisiorum  ad  Kilistones  to  the  sea,  entering  Hudson  Bay  on 
its  eastern  side.  Franquelin's  effort  is  far  better,  indeed  it  is 
remarkably  accurate,  for  he  does  not  draw  a  river  from  Lake 
Nipissing,  but  extends  the  Ottawa  from  its  junction  with  the 
Mattawan  north  to  Lac  des  Ahitihis  which  is  connected  in  turn  by 
a  stream  to  the  southwestern  extremity  of  James  Bay. 

In  tracing  the  fourth  route  we  are  much  indebted  to  Creuxius 
who  shows  a  river,  Fl.  achiriouanorum  ad  mare,  running  from  Lake 
Huron  near  the  Spanish  River  to  a  lake  near  James  Bay.  The  Fl. 
Nipisiorum  ad  Kilistines  coming  from  Lake  Nipissing  unites  with 

its  source  in  Lake  Ouitchtagami  (Outakouami).  By  a  portage  thence  across 
the  "height  of  land"  (watershed),  one  would  reach  a  small  river  falling  into 
Lake  Mistassini,  the  headwaters  of  the  Rupert  River,  which  flows  into  the 
Southern  end  of  James  Bay.'  /.  R.  XLIV,  p.  323.  note  #20. 

This  is  plausible;  in  some  ways  more  so  than  the  route  we  have  outlined, 
especially  as  it  is  borne  out  by  the  map  of  de  Lisle.  Yet  it  does  not  overcome 
the  serious  objection  that  it  involves  a  complete  oversight  of  the  usual  course 
of  travel  by  way  of  the  Chamouchouan  and  Lake  Mistassini. 

I  This  route  was  taken  in  1686  by  the  Chevalief  de  Troyes  on  his  expedition 
against  the  English  posts  on  Hudson  Bay. 


154  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

this  river,  and  the  two  form  one  to  the  Bay.  We  can  trace  the 
actual  route  on  a  modern  map  up  the  Spanish  River  to  Bistotasi 
Lake,  then  through  a  chain  of  lakes  embracing  Opeepeesway  and 
Harwood,  to  the  source  of  the  Ground  Hog  River,  whence  one 
reaches  the  Moose  by  way  of  the  Mattagami.  Thus  Creuxius  is 
right  in  uniting  the  two  streams,  namely  that  from  Georgian  Bay 
and  that  from  the  Ottawa  into  a  common  channel,  which  we  know 
to-day  to  be  the  Moose  River. 

The  fifth  route  was,  perhaps,  more  frequently  used  than  any 
of  the  others.  It  takes  the  traveller  from  Lake  Superior  to  Lake 
Nipigon  whence  the  Albany  River  is  reached  by  the  Pikitigushi 
River,  Whiteclay  Lake  and  the  Ogoki  River;  or  it  is  reached  by 
the  little  Jackfish  River,  (east  of  the  Pikitigushi)  which  connects 
with  the  Ogoki  after  passing  through  a  chain  of  lakes.  One  cannot 
be  too  positive  as  to  which  route  was  intended;  probably  both  were 
used,  as  a  modern  map  shows  portages  on  both  trails.^  Franquelin 
shows  this  course  as  well  as  could  be  expected  at  the  time,  being 
aided  by  the  explorations  of  du  Perray,  the  first  European  to  reach 
Hudson  Bay  by  the  Albany  River.  Creuxius  traces  it  by  way  of  a 
Kilistonum  River  to  Lacus  Alimibegoueck,  and  then  to  the  Bay 
by  the  Fl.  Eitayikytchidyanus} 

The  sixth  route  offers  a  choice  between  two  courses.  Both 
start  from  Lake  Timagaming  which  is  probably  Timaskaming 
on  the  Ottawa  River  as  shown  on  Franquehn's  map,  and  not  the 
Fresh-water  Sea  of  the  Hurons  as  Druillettes  supposes.^  The 
routes  lead  to  the  Ottawa  which  the  author  refers  to  as  the  St. 
Lawrence,*  Here  the  traveller  may  ascend  the  Ottawa,  whose 
upper  waters  flow  from  east  to  west,  until  he  reaches  its  source  in 
Lake  Cape  Mechagama.  Thence  he  would  cross  over  to  the  Gati- 
neau  River,  descend  it  for  a  short  distance  and  then  cross  to  the 

1  See  map  of  Northwestern  Ontario,  1920,  published  by  the  Dept.  of  Lands 
and  Forests,  Canada. 

2.  Lake  Nipigon  is  shown  as  Alepimigon  on  de  Fer's  maps,  and  as  Alemipi- 
gon  on  de  Lisle's. 

3  There  is  also  a  Lake  Timagami  north  of  Lake  Nipissing. 

*  Hubert  Jaillot's  map  of  Hudson  Bay,  1685,  in  the  Kohl  Coll.  at  Lib.  of 
Cong,  shows  Lake  Temiscaming  as  an  expanse  of  the  Ottawa,  in  much  the 
same  way  as  does  Franquelin. 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea  155 

Men  wan  Lakes  that  lie  near  the  St.  Maurice.^  As  a  variation  of 
this  course  one  may  go  down  the  Ottawa  to  the  Riviere  du  Moine, 
an  affluent  that  debouches  into  the  parent  stream  half-way  be- 
tween the  mouth  of  the  Mattawan  and  Allumettes  Island;  then 
proceed  up  the  Riviere  du  Moine  which  is  noted,  though  not 
named,  on  Gallinee's  map  with  the  caption:  'On  dit  que  cette 
branch  de  la  grande  Riviere  va  aux  Trois  Rivieres/^  a  tolerable 
proof  that  travel  must  occasionally  have  ventured  up  this  stream, 
though  not  to  the  exclusion  of  another  route.  Creuxius  is  non- 
committal on  the  subject,  being  susceptible  to  interpretation 
either  way. 

Druillettes'  outhne  of  the  northern  waterways  no  doubt 
whetted  his  desire  to  discover  a  means  of  communication  with  the 
northern  sea;  but  before  he  undertook  the  journey  with  Father 
Dablon,  he  had  an  opportunity  to  enlarge  his  already  extensive 
knowledge  by  an  interview  with  an  Indian  named  Atav/anik, 
whom  he  met  returning  from  an  expedition  to  Hudson  Bay.  In 
the  Relation  of  1659-60  we  find  the  following  account  of  Atawan- 
ik's  story .^  'He  started,  in  the  month  of  June  of  the  year  one  thou- 
sand six  hundred  and  fifty  eight,  from  the  lake  of  the  Ouinipegouek, 
which  is  strictly  only  a  large  bay  in  Lake  Huron.  It  is  called  by 
others  "the  lake  of  the  stinkards,"  not  because  it  is  salt  hke  the 
water  of  the  sea, — which  the  savages  call  Ouinipeg,  or  "stinking 
water," — but  because  it  is  surrounded  by  sulphurous  soil,  whence 
issue  several  springs  which  convey  into  this  lake  the  impurities 

1  James  Richardson  in  his  report  says  that  after  descending  the  St.  Mau- 
rice about  twenty  miles  from  Lake  Traverse,  which  he  reached  by  following  up 
the  Foam  Falls  River,  he  struck  the  Gatineau  after  passing  through  two  lakes. 
Ibid.  p.  286. 

Champlain  tells  us  that  the  savages  went  up  the  Ottawa  to  reach  the 
Saguenay.  W.  L.  Grant.  Voyages  of  Samuel  de  Champlain,  p.  279.  His  map 
of  1632  shows  the  sources  of  the  Ottawa  located  so  as  to  give  easy  access  to  the 
Saguenay  and  Three  Rivers — dotted  lines  being  employed  to  show  the  trails. 
Note  +1:83  on  the  map  says:  'A  river  by  which  manj^  savages  go  to  the  North 
Sea,  above  the  Saguenay,  and  to  the  Three  Rivers,  going  some  distance  over- 
land.' Sagard.  Ibid,  also  speaks  of  coming  to  a  river  (upper  Ottawa)  when 
descending  the  Mattawan,  that  led  to  the  Saguenay  and  Tadoussac,  a  dis- 
tance of  two  hundred  leagues,  pp.  734  and  735.  Thwaites  interprets  the  sixth 
route  as  up  the  Ottawa  to  its  source.  /.  R.  XLIV,  note  #20. 

2  It  is  said  that  this  branch  of  the  great  river  goes  to  Three  Rivers. 

^  It  is  not  certain  that  Druillettes  was  the  missionary  who  actually  reported 
Atawanik's  story,  but  Thwaites  presumes  that  it  was  he.  No  doubt  Druil- 
lettes heard  the  account.    J.  R.  XLV,  p.  16. 


156  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

absorbed  by  their  waters  in  the  places  of  their  origin.^  He  passed 
the  remainder  of  that  summer  and  the  following  winter  near  the 
lake  which  we  call  Superior,  from  its  position  above  that  of  the 
Hurons,  into  which  it  empties  by  a  waterfall  that  has  also  given  it 
its  name.^  .  .  .  Moreover,  from  this  same  Lake  Superior, 
following  a  river  toward  the  north,  we  arrive,  after  eight  or  ten 
days'  journey,  at  Hudson  Bay,  in  fifty-five  degrees  of  latitude. 
From  this  place,  in  a  northwesterly  direction,  it  is  about  forty 
leagues  by  land  to  Button  Bay,  where  lies  port  Melson  [sic],  on  the 
fifty-seventh  degree  of  latitude  and  the  two  hundred  and  seven- 
tieth of  longitude ;  the  distance  thence  to  Japan  is  to  be  reckoned 
at  only  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  twenty  leagues,  there  being 
only  seventy-one  degrees  of  a  great  circle  intervening.  These  two 
seas,  then,  of  the  South  and  of  the  North,  being  known,  there  re- 
mains only  that  of  the  West,  which  joins  them,  to  make  orly  one 
from  the  three;  and  it  is  the  fresh  knowledge  that  we  have  gained 
from  a  nation  which,  being  situated  at  about  the  forty-seventh  de- 
gree of  latitude  and  the  two  hundred  and  seventy-third  of  longitude, 
assures  us  that  ten  days'  journey  westward  lies  the  sea,  which  can 
be  no  other  than  the  one  we  are  looking  for, — it  is  this  knowledge 
that  makes  us  believe  that  the  whole  of  North  America,  being  thus 
surrounded  by  the  sea  on  the  east,  south,  west,  and  north,  must  be 
separated  from  Groeslande  [Greenland]  by  some  strait,  of  which  a 
good  part  has  already  been  discovered ;  and  that  it  only  remains 
now  to  push  on  some  degrees  farther,  to  enter  nothing  less  than  the 
Japan  Sea.'^  Atawanik  reached  James  Bay  probably  by  the  Lake 
Nipigon  route.  Here  he  saw,  while  coasting  down  its  shores,  a  large 
island^  which  took  its  name  from  the  white  bears  that  inhabited  it 
— shown  later  on  Creuxius'  map  as  Ins.  Ursorum  Candidorum,  and 
eventually  identified  as  Agoomska  Island.^    The  Indian  visited  the 

^  Thwaites  calls  this  lake,  Lake  Nipissing.  /.  R.  XLV,  note  Si9-  No 
reason  is  given  why  the  term,  'Ouinipeg,'  should  here  be  applied  to  Nipissing 
when  it  is  used  again  and  again  for  Green  Bay.  Possibly  the  statement  that 
the  lake  is  merely  a  large  bay  in  Lake  Huron  has  led  to  this  identification.  But 
it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  at  this  time  the  state  of  geographical  knowledge 
of  these  regions  was  imperfect,  and  that  Green  Bay,  and  even  Lake  Michigan 
whose  southern  extent  was  as  yet  unknown,  might  well  have  been  spoken  of  as 
a  bay  of  Lake  Huron. 

^J.  R.XLY,p.  219. 

^  Ibid.  pp.  223  to  225. 

*  Ibid.  p.  225. 

^  De  Fer  shows  this  island  as  /.  Agameske  ou  I.  des  Oiirs  Blancs. 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea  157 

Kilistinons,  who  had  nine  settlements  ranging  in  population  from 
a  comparatively  small  number  to  a  thousand  or  fifteen  hundred 
souls.^  He  also  explored  the  eastern  shore,  visiting  the  Pitchi- 
bourenik  dwelling  at  the  entrance  to  the  bay.^ 

Though  little  of  value  was  disclosed  by  the  Indian's  reports  the 
imagination  was  profoundly  stirred,  for  here  at  last  was  a  clue  to 
the  western  ocean  by  way  of  the  northern  sea.  Access  to  the  west- 
ern ocean  was,  of  course,  the  primary  object  of  exploration,  and, 
as  we  have  seen,  it  was  towards  the  west  that  Marquette  and 
Johet  were  instructed  to  direct  their  steps.  Nevertheless,  it  came 
to  be  recognized  that  if  the  western  sea  proved  too  remote,  or  the 
route  to  it  presented  too  many  difficulties,  a  comparatively  easy 
path  might  be  found  to  Hudson  Bay,  and  this,  in  turn,  might  con- 
nect with  the  Japan  Sea,  Father  Allouez  commented  thus  on  the 
problem:  'The  Kilistinouc  have  their  usual  abode  on  the  shores 
of  the  North  Sea,  and  their  canoes  ply  along  a  river  emptying 
into  a  great  Bay,  which  we  think  is,  in  all  probability,  the  one 
designated  on  the  map  by  the  name  of  Hutson.  For  those  whom  I 
have  seen  from  that  country  have  told  me  that  they  have  known 
of  a  ship ;  and  one  of  their  old  men  declared  to  me  that  he  had  him- 
self seen,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  the  Assinipoualac  [Nelson], 
some  people  allied  to  the  Kilistinouc,  whose  country  is  still  farther 
northward.''  After  Dablon  had  made  a  vain  effort  to  reach  the 
North  Sea  he  retained  his  interest  in  the  project,  and  warmly 
recommended  its  adoption  as  a  practical  means  of  solving  the 
route  to  the  Japan  Sea.  In  the  Relation  of  1669-70  he  says: 
'The  second  motive  for  this  journey,*  is  to  discover  at  last  that 
North  Sea  of  which  so  much  has  already  been  said,  and  which 
has  not  yet  been  found  by  land.  The  incentives  to  this  discovery 
are:  first,  to  find  out,  by  a  comparison  of  the  latitude  and  longi- 
tude of  this  place  with  that  of  the  sea,  whether  that  sea  is  the  bay 
to  which  Hutson  penetrated  in  the  year  16 12,  or  some  other;  and 
then  to  ascertain  what  part  of  the  North  Sea  is  nearest  to  us. 
Secondly,  to  learn  whether  communication  can  be  had  from  Quebec 
all  the  way  to  this  sea  by  following  all  the  northern  shores,  just 
as  was  attempted  some  years  ago.    This  depends  on  the  situation 

^  Ibid.  p.  227. 

^  Ibid.  p.  229.    He  refers  to  James  Bay. 

'  Relation,  1666-7.  J-  R-  LI,  p.  57. 

*  The  first  motive  was  the  conversion  of  the  Indians. 


158  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

of  that  bay,  which  we  here^  have  at  our  backs,  toward  the  north; 
for  if  it  is  found  to  be  Hutson's  Bay,  or  another  one  farther  west- 
ward, easy  communication  cannot  be  hoped  for,  since  it  would  be 
necessary  to  double  a  point  extending  co  more  than  sixty-three 
degrees  of  latitude.  Thirdly,  to  verify  the  quite  probable  conjec- 
tures that  have  been  entertained  for  a  long  time,  that  a  passage 
could  be  made  by  this  route  to  the  Japan  Sea.'^ 

In  order  to  understand  properly  the  situation  and  to  grasp  the 
problem  that  baffled  Dablon  and  his  contemporaries,  it  is  necessary 
to  examine  the  knowledge  of  geography  as  presented  by  the  few 
cartographers  whose  temerity  led  them  to  portray  the  unexplored 
regions  of  northwestern  Canada.  Two  facts  were  known:  the 
existence  of  Hudson  Bay,  from  discovery  and  exploration,  and  the 
probable  existence  of  a  North  Sea,  from  the  reports  of  Indians. 
The  question  to  be  solved  was  whether  or  not  these  two  were  one. 
The  Jesuits  had  patiently  gathered  together  all  available  informa- 
tion, as  we  have  seen  by  the  foregoing  quotations,  and  were  en- 
deavoring to  reach  a  conclusion,  not  only  by  a  careful  analysis  of 
the  material,  but  by  personal  explorations.  The  maps  at  their 
disposal  afforded  but  little  satisfaction,  as  their  designers  were  as 
much  perplexed  as  the  Fathers  themselves,  Sanson's  map  of  1650 
outlined  a  crude  representation  of  the  Golfe  de  Hudson  ou  Hudson 
Bay.  presumably  from  English  sources;  and  west  of  this  the  geog- 
rapher placed  Button's  Bay,  a  long,  narrow  gulf,  running  south- 
ward until  it  disappears  in  a  Mer  Glaciale.  Here  the  engraver 
wisely  stopped.  He  gives  no  further  indication  or  even  hint  as  to 
the  configuration  of  the  northern  coast ;  but  he  extends  the  western 
shore  of  Button's  Bay  northward  until  it  meets  Greenland,  thus 
encircling  Baffin's  Bay  and  intercepting  water  communication 
with  the  Pacific  Ocean.  De  Lisle,  1700,  has  cautiously  ignored 
western  geography.  His  map  gives  a  more  modern  conception  of 
Hudson  Bay,  yet  it  embodies  the  same  enclosure  of  the  eastern 
waters,  Button's  Bay  and  the  Mer  Glaciale  being  entirely  omitted. 
The  outline  of  the  North  Sea,  or  Mer  Glaciale,  and  Hudson  Bay 
as  given  on  Joliet's  first  map,  1674,  and  on  the  Carte  Generale 
(186 1?)  variously  ascribed  to  Joliet  and  Franquelin,  must  not  be 
taken  as  a  serious  attempt  to  reproduce  any  definite  information 

1  The  word,  'here,'  refers  to  Lake  Superior. 

2  Relation,  1669-70.  /.  R.  LIV,  p.  135. 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea  159 

on  this  region.  Joliet's  principal  object  was  to  portray  the  Missis- 
sippi River,  but  as  he  had  heard  vague  rumors  of  the  North  Sea, 
he  finished  off  the  upper  portion  of  his  chart  by  a  rough  guess.  It 
is  not  unUkely,  however,  that  Joliet,  who  was  in  more  or  less  close 
touch  with  the  Fathers,  was  somewhat  influenced,  when  drawing 
his  map,  by  the  reports  which  they  had  so  patiently  collected  re- 
garding a  northern  sea.  Such  was  the  problem  of  the  North  Sea, 
as  it  was  then,  and  as  it  remained  for  many  years  to  come.  The 
credit  for  its  ultimate  solution  was  due  to  other  explorers  than  the 
Jesuit  Fathers.  But  meanwhile  the  missionaries  concentrated 
their  efforts  on  finding  an  overland  route  that  would  bring  the 
North  Sea  within  striking  distance  of  Quebec,  and  obviate  the 
tedious  journey  through  Hudson  Strait,  if  Hudson  Bay  and  the 
North  Sea  should  prove  to  be  the  same. 

Fathers  Dablon  and  Druillettes  started  on  June  i,  1661,  from 
Tadoussac  to  Hudson  Bay  in  fulfillment  of  a  long  cherished  ambi- 
tion. They  journeyed  up  the  Saguenay,  in  the  path  trodden  by 
Father  de  Quen,  to  Lake  St.  John  which  is  described  by  Dablon 
as  the  limit  of  French  exploration,  the  region  being  unknown.^ 
They  crossed  this  lake,  which  Dablon  estimated  as  being  seven  or 
eight  leagues  in  diameter,  and  entered  a  river  which  they  named 
the  Blessed  Sacrament.^  'It  is  beautiful,  wide,  and  divided  by 
islands  and  prairies;'  says  Dablon,  'and  has  a  gentle  current  on 
which  we  proceeded  at  our  ease  for  the  distance  of  three  leagues 
and  more.'^  Then  they  encountered  a  series  of  falls  and  rapids, 
and  bravely  shouldering  their  baggage  they  climbed  over  rocks 
and  fallen  trees  and  waded  through  shallow  streams,  courageously 
attacking  the  heart-breaking  obstacles  that  a  jealous  nature  had 
placed  in  their  path.  On  the  twenty-fifth  of  June  they  reached  a 
point  'where  the  river  divides  into  two  branches,  the  wider  flowing 
from  the  right,  and  the  other  and  narrower  from  the  left.'*  Select- 
ing the  left  fork  as  the  less  difficult  of  the  two,  they  arrived  at  a 
lake  which,  in  appreciation  of  their  good  fortune,  they  named  Lake 
of  Good  Hope.  'The  three  following  days,'  writes  Dablon,  'were 
spent  in  crossing  lakes,  then  in  exploring  the  woods  for  rivers,  then 
in  resuming  our  course  on  more  lakes  and  rivers,  which  at  length 

1  Relation,  1660-1.  /.  R.  XLVI,  pp.  259  to  261. 

2  The  Chamouchouan. 
^  Ibid.  p.  267. 

*  Ibid.  p.  273. 


i6o  Geographical  Contributions  oe  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

brought  us  to  Nekouba — a  place  midway,  as  I  have  said,  between 
the  two  seas,  that  of  the  North  and  that  of  Tadoussac.  We  found 
its  latitude  to  be  forty-nine  degrees,  twenty  minutes,  and  its 
longitude  three  hundred  and  five  degrees,  ten  minutes;  for,  pro- 
ceeding northwest  by  west  from  Tadoussac,  we  come  to  Lake  St. 
John  after  traveUing  thirty-five  leagues  by  the  shortest  route ;  and, 
still  advancing  northwest  by  west  from  that  lake,  whose  latitude 
is  forty-eight  degrees,  thirty  minutes,  and  longitude  three  hundred 
and  seven  degrees,  fifty  minutes,  we  arrive  here,  having  accom- 
plished about  forty-five  leagues  in  a  straight  line.'^ 

The  route  is  easily  followed.  Passing  through  the  little  archi- 
pelago at  the  mouth  of  the  Chamouchouan  River  (there  is  no  ques- 
tion here  that  they  chose  this  trail  in  preference  to  the  one  up  the 
Peribonka)  the  missionaries  ascended  this  stream  to  a  point  above 
the  Chaudiere  Falls,  where  they  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Chegob- 
ich  River.  The  latter  stream  brought  them  to  Chegobich  Lake, 
whence  they  were  obliged  to  pick  their  way  through  a  chain  of 
lakes  leading  to  the  Nikaubau  River  and  the  lake  of  the  same 
name.  Here  their  journey  ended;  not  ingloriously,  since  they  had 
traversed  a  region  as  yet  unknown  to  the  white  man,  but  without 
accomplishing  their  object  of  opening  a  route  to  Hudson  Bay. 
Indian  hostilities  made  further  progress  inadvisable,  so  Dablon 
improved  his  well-earned  rest  by  writing  a  letter  to  his  superior, 
Father  Lalemant,  bearing  the  significant  date:  'From  Nekouba, 
one  hundred  leagues  from  Tadoussac,  in  the  forest,  on  the  way  to 
the  North  Sea,  this  second  day  of  July,  1661.'  He  saj^s  in  his 
letter:  'At  last  here  we  are,  with  God's  help,  almost  half-way  to 
the  North  Sea,  at  a  spot  which  is,  as  it  were,  the  middle  point 
between  the  two  seas — the  one  we  have  left  and  the  one  we  are 
seeking.'^  And  a  half-way  point  it  is,  just  south  of  the  divide 
which  rises  about  thirteen  hundred  feet  above  the  sea.  Necouba 
is  shown  prominently  on  the  maps  of  de  Lisle  and  de  Fer.  Dablon's 
voyage  is  not  so  important  as  one  would  at  first  believe,  since 
Father  Albanel  about  ten  years  later  covered  the  same  territory 
and  had  the  advantage  of  bringing  his  expedition  to  a  successful 
conclusion  on  the  shores  of  James  Bay.  Furthermore,  no  map  of 
this  region  was  designed  between  the  dates  of  the  two  journeys, 

1  Relation,  1 660-1.  /.  R.  XLVI,  p.  275. 

2  Relation,  1660-1.  /.  R.  XLVI.  p.  253. 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea  i6i 

so  it  is  impossible  to  say  what  credit  should  be  given  to  Dablon  on 
subsequent  charts,  but  it  is  significant  to  point  out  that  the  lati- 
tude and  longitude  of  Necouba  and  Lake  St.  John,  as  shown  on  de 
Lisle's  map  of  1700,  follow  closely  the  figures  given  by  Dablon. 

It  may  be  well  to  pause  here,  before  taking  up  Albanel's  narra- 
tive, and  notice  a  claim,  advanced  years  later  by  several  writers, 
that  Radisson  and  Groseilliers  discovered  Hudson  Bay  in  1660. 
The  evidence  upon  which  this  story  is  built  is  not  convincing  and 
one  might  wonder  how  the  story  could  ever  have  been  seriously 
entertained.  Radisson's  narrative,  describing  his  journey  to  Lake 
Superior,  tells  us  that  they  crossed  the  western  end  of  the  lake  and 
advanced  along  its  northern  shore  until  they  reached  a  deep  bay. 
'We  went  away,'  he  says,  'with  all  hast  possible  to  arrive  the 
sooner  att  ye  great  river.  We  came  to  the  seaside,  where  we  finde 
an  old  howse  all  demoUished  and  battered  with  bouUetts.  .  .  . 
We  went  from  isle  to  isle  all  that  summer.  .  .  .  This  place 
hath  a  great  store  of  cows.  The  wildman  kill  them  not  except  for 
necessary  use.  We  went  further  in  the  bay  to  see  ye  place  that 
they  weare  to  passe  that  summer.  That  river  comes  from  the  lake 
and  empties  itselfe  in  ye  river  of  Sagnes,  called  Tadousack,  which 
is  a  hundred  leagues  in  the  great  river  of  Canada,  as  where  we  weare 
in  ye  bay  of  ye  north.  .  .  .  We  passed  that  summer  quietly, 
coasting  the  seaside,  and  as  the  cold  began,  we  prevented  the  ice.'^ 
The  principal  internal  evidence  offered  for  the  discovery  of  a  route 
to  Hudson  Bay  seems  to  hinge  on  the  word,  'seaside,'  interpreted 
as  meaning  the  Bay.  That  the  term,  'sea,'  was  frequently  used  to 
denote  the  vast  bodies  of  water  which  we  call  the  Great  Lakes — in 
fact  Lake  Huron  was  known  as  the  Fresh-water  Sea  of  the  Hurons 
— seems  to  have  been  entirely  overlooked  by  those  crediting 
Radisson  with  the  discovery  of  the  route.^  Lest  Radisson's  cham- 
pions seem  too  credulous  it  must  be  said  that  some  external  evi- 
dence is  offered.  According  to  Noel  Jeremie,  French  commander 
at  Hudson  Bay  during  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
Groseilliers  reached  his  station  from  the  country  of  the  Ottawas; 
and  to  reinforce  this  claim  they  point  to  the  river  Des  Groseilliers 

1  G.  D.  Scull,  Pierre  E.  Radisson,  pp.  224  and  225.  The  phrase,  'we  pre- 
vented the  ice,'  means  probably,  'we  avoided  the  ice.' 

^  George  Bryce.  The  Remarkable  History  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company. 
1900,  points  out  the  fallacy  of  the  Radisson  claim  in  an  elaborate  refutation 
pp.  5  and  6. 


1 62  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

on  Franquelin's  map,  1688, — now  the  Pigeon  River  debouching 
into  Lake  Superior  through  its  northern  shore — as  proof  that  the 
pioneer  passed  that  way  on  his  journey  to  the  North  Sea.  Coronel- 
h  as  well  as  Franquelin  shows  such  a  river  in  the  position  of  the 
modern  Gooseberry  (English  for  Groseilliers) ,  but  it  is  so  called, 
probably,  because  of  the  abundance  of  that  fruit  on  its  banks.^ 
In  analyzing  the  merits  of  the  question  it  is  well  to  point  out  that 
modern  antiquarians,  notably  George  Bryce  and  Warren  Upham, 
who  have  given  the  matter  careful  study,  are  satisfied  that  neither 
Radisson  nor  Groseilliers  reached  Hudson  Bay  by  an  overland 
route;  while  those  who  still  credit  the  claim — and  there  are  some 
modern  historians  that  do — merely  take  the  story  at  its  face  value 
without  recourse  to  any  critical  analysis;  and,  moreover,  they 
make  no  attempt  to  refute  the  arguments  of  their  opponents.^ 

After  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  had  estabhshed  its  posts  an 
acrimonious  dispute  arose  between  France  and  England  over  the 
ownership  of  the  Bay.  To  bolster  up  their  contention  the  French 
put  forth  several  claims  to  priority  of  discovery  by  an  overland 
route  that  were  subsequently  shown  to  be  unfounded.  In  166 1 
Indians  were  said  to  have  come  to  Quebec  overland  from  the  Bay 
in  search  of  spiritual  instruction,  and  in  answer  to  their  request 
Dablon  and  a  companion  were  sent  back  with  them.^  We  have, 
fortunately,  Dablon's  account  of  his  journey  north  in  1661,  and 
far  from  setting  forth  any  claims  to  a  discovery  of  the  route  to 
Hudson  Bay  the  author  takes  pains  to  tell  us  that  he  went  no 
farther  than  Necouba,  a  point  half-way  to  his  destination.  Other 
claims  were  advanced  in  behalf  of  the  Sieur  La  Couture,  who  was 
said  to  have  made  a  successful  journey  overland  in  1663,  and  to 

1  Warren  Upham.  Ihid.  believes  that  Franquelin  got  this  information  from 
Du  Lhut.  p.  513. 

2  H.  C.  Campbell.  Radisson  and  Groseilliers.  1896.  pp.  23  and  24.  See  Noel 
Jeremie's  Relation  du  Detroit  et  ed  la  Baye  de  Hudson  in  J.  F.  Bernard.  Recueil 
de  Voyages  au  Nord.  iTi'^-  Vol.  Ill,  p.  321.  Warren  Upham's  refutation  is 
conclusive.  He  says:  'Without  beginning  a  new  paragraph,  Radisson  turns 
abruptly  away  from  the  Cree  encampment  on  the  north  shore  of  lake  Superior, 
doubtless  somewhere  between  fifteen  and  fifty  miles  northeast  of  Duluth. 
.  .  .  In  two  short  sentences  he  reaches  Hudson  Bay,  and  before  the  end 
of  the  paragraph  he  supplies  confirmations  of  this  statement  by  saying  that 
they  found  a  ruined  house  bearing  bullet  marks,  and  that  the  Indians  there 
told  of  European  visitors,  meaning  evidently  that  sailing  vessels  had  come  to 
that  southern  part  of  the  bay.'    Ihid.  p.  508. 

3  Letter  of  de  Denonville  to  Seignelay,  Nov.  8,  1686.  Paris  Docs,  in  Docs. 
Col.  Hist.  N.  Y.  Vol.  IX,  p.  304. 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea  163 

have  taken  possession  of  the  country  in  the  King's  name.  A  similar 
statement  was  made  regarding  the  Sieur  Duquet  and  Jean  L'Ang- 
lois.^  But  these  assertions  are  no  longer  considered  worthy  of 
credence  and  may  be  regarded  as  frantic  attempts  on  the  part  of 
the  French  to  pre-empt  the  title  to  Hudson  Bay.  We  are,  there- 
fore, safe  in  assuming  that  the  overland  route  to  the  Bay  was  not 
discovered  until  Father  Albanel's  expedition  in  1672. 

The  French  Intendant,  Talon,  was  interested  in  the  northern 
territory,  spurred  on,  perhaps,  by  a  feeling  of  jealousy  towards  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company.^  This  organization  was  carrying  on  a 
thriving  fur  business  on  the  Bay,  and  reached  its  stations  from 
England  by  sea.  Talon,  learning  from  a  party  of  Algonquins  that 
there  were  two  European  vessels  in  the  Bay,  assumed  them  to  be 
English  ships,  and  conceived  the  idea  of  sending  an  expedition 
overland  to  induce  the  Kilistinons,  who  acted  as  middlemen  in  the 
fur  trade  with  other  tribes,  to  come  down  to  Quebec  where  the 
French  might  transact  business  with  them  without  undertaking  a 
tedious  and  expensive  journey  to  Hudson  Bay.^  For  this  purpose 
he  selected  as  leader  of  the  expedition  Father  Charles  Albanel. 
This  missionary's  enthusiasm  for  discovery  was  unbounded  and 
had  even  led  to  his  being  accused  of  neglecting  his  spiritual  duties 
towards  the  savages  in  order  to  gratify  his  avocation.^  Arriving  in 
Canada  in  1649  Albanel  spent  the  greater  part  of  his  time  in  the 
vicinity  of  Tadoussac,  leaving  it  only  to  take  part  in  Tracy's 
expedition  (1666)  against  the  Iroquois.  Returning  from  this  diver- 
sion he  was  selected  for  the  important  work  of  exploring  the  north- 
ern regions.  In  organizing  the  expedition  the  intendant  also  had 
an  eye  to  possible  discoveries,  for  he  instructed  Father  Albanel 
to  determine  the  practicability  of  erecting  buildings  on  the  Bay 
as  headquarters  for  ships  sent  out  in  search  of  a  communication 
between  the  North  and  South  Seas,  As  Hudson  Bay  had  according 
to  Talon  been  previously  discovered  by  Frenchmen,  a  young  Cana- 
dian gentleman  named  Saint  Simon  was  commissioned  to  accom- 
pany Albanel,  and  to  take  formal  possession  of  the  northern  coun- 
tries by  proclamation,  emphasizing  the  French  claims  by  erecting 
the  royal  coat-of-arms.^ 

1  Beokles  Willson.    The  Gi'eat  Company,  pp.  56.  to  59. 

^  Hudson's  was  the  old  name  for  the  bay. 

^  Letter  of  Talon  to  Colbert.  Nov.  10,  1670.  Margry.  Ibid.  Vol.  I,  p.  84. 

'*'  Rochemonteix.  IHd.  Vol.  II,  pp.  372  and  373. 

^  Letter  of  Talon  to  the  King.  Nov.  2,  1671.    Margry.  Ibid.  pp.  93  and  94. 


1 64  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

Father  Albanel  left  Tadoussac  in  the  autumn  of  167 1,  and 
wintered  at  Lake  St.  John.  The  following  June  he  took  leave  of 
the  Indians  at  Nataschegamiou,  a  settlement  on  the  lake,  and  pro- 
ceeded up  the  Chamouchouan  River  in  Father  Dablon's  footsteps. 
After  six  days  of  travel  and  two  of  delay  he  writes:  'The  ninth 
[of  June]  tried  our  patience  severely  by  reason  of  an  extremely 
difficult  portage,  both  on  account  of  its  length,  which  some  place 
at  four  leagues,  and  because  of  the  bad  traveling.  One  must  al- 
ways be  in  the  water  half-way  to  his  knees,  and  at  times  even  to 
his  waist,  in  crossing  and  recrossing  streams  that  flow  through  the 
midst  of  a  vast  plain  which  must  be  traversed  to  gain  the  river 
Nekoubau,  to  the  southwest  of  the  one  left  behind.  .  .  ,  To- 
ward six  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  tenth,  we  arrived  at  Paslis- 
taskau,  which  divides  the  lands  of  the  north  from  those  of  the  south. 
It  is  a  small  tongue  of  land,  an  arpent  in  width  and  two  in  length, 
the  two  ends  of  this  point  being  bounded  by  two  small  lakes, 
whence  issue  two  rivers.  One  flows  down  to  the  east,  and  the  other 
to  the  northwest, — the  former  emptying  into  the  sea  at  Tadoussac 
by  way  of  the  Saguenay;  and  the  latter  into  Hutson's  Bay,  by  way 
of  Nemeskau,  which  marks  the  middle  point  of  the  route  between 
the  two  seas.'^ 

Albanel  had  reached  Lake  Nikaubau  and  passed  beyond  it  to 
the  twin  lakes  that  mark  the  divide.  A  recent  explorer  in  describ- 
ing this  region  says  that  at  the  head  of  Lake  Nikaubau  the  river 
divides,  one  branch  coming  from  the  northeast,  and  the  other 
coming  from  the  northwest  'passes  a  sort  of  double  lake,  called 
Narrow-Ridge  Lake,  whence  the  highest  lake,  called  Whitefish 
Lake,  is  reached  by  a  portage  of  about  one  mile.'^  Father  Alba- 
nel's  description  is  accurate,  save  that  he  errs  in  speaking  of  the 
drainage  northward  into  Hudson  Bay  through  Nemiskau.  White- 
fish  Lake,  the  little  lake  beyond  the  divide,  empties  into  Lake 
Obatagamou  which  in  turn  flows  into  the  Nottaway  through  the 
Obatagamou  and  Waswinipi  Rivers;  it  does  not  drain  through 
Lake  Nemiskau  and  the  Rupert  River. 

The  Father  pursued  his  course  over  the  divide  and  down 
through  a  chain  of  lakes  that  leads  to  Mistassini.  'On  the  i8th,' 
he  says,  'we  entered  that  great  Lake  of  the  Mistassirinins,  which 

1  Relation,  1671-2.    J.  R.  LVI,  pp.  169  to  171. 
*  James  Richardson.    Ihid.  p.  284. 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea  165 

is  supposed  to  be  so  large  that  it  takes  twenty  days  of  fair  weather 
to  go  around  it.  This  lake  owes  its  name  to  the  rocks  in  which  it 
abounds,  and  which  are  of  a  prodigious  size.'^  Crossing  this  body 
of  water  the  explorer  entered  the  Rupert  River,  which  drains  the 
waters  of  Mistassini,  and  descended  it  to  Lake  Miskittenow.  Here 
the  river  turns  northward;  but  our  traveller  pushing  towards  the 
west  made  a  portage  that  brought  him  eventually  to  Wabistau 
Lake,  the  source  of  the  Marten  River.^  Down  this  stream  they 
guided  their  canoes  for  several  days  being  forced  to  leave  the  Ru- 
pert River.  The  waterfalls  and  rapids  were  violent,  and  the  tra- 
vellers were  obliged  to  make  their  way  among  some  small  lakes  by 
seventeen  portages  to  regain  the  same  river. ^  What  Albanel  in- 
tended to  convey  by  his  description  is  that  the  Rupert,  which  he 
quitted  at  Lake  Miskittenow,  was  now  met  by  the  chain  of  lakes  com- 
posing the  Marten  River  on  which  he  presently  embarked.  On 
the  twenty-fifth  he  came  to  Nemiskau,  'a  large  lake,  of  ten  days' 
journey  in  circumference,  half  surrounded  from  north  to  south  by  a 
semicircular  range  of  high  mountains.  At  the  mouth  of  the  great 
river,  which  extends  from  the  east  to  the  northeast,  are  seen  vast 
plains,  which  continue  even  below  the  semicircular  mountain- 
range.'*  Crossing  this  lake,  and  passing  by  a  large  island  on  which 
were  the  remains  of  a  fort,  he  took  a  short  cut  across  country  to 
meet  the  river  and  avoid  a  long  detour,  for  'the  river,'  he  says, 
'forms  a  great  elbow  in  turning  to  the  northeast,  compelling  us 
to  make  four  very  difficult  portages  among  some  small  lakes,  to 
regain  it  by  a  direct  northeasterly  course.'^  Speaking  of  the  Rupert 
River  the  missionary  tells  us  that  it  'is  called  Nemiskausipiou,  and 
rises  in  Lake  Nemsikau,  whence  it  takes  its  name.'  He  says  further  : 
'It  is  a  very  beautiful  river,  nearly  half  a  league  wide,  and  more  in 
some  parts,  but  of  no  great  depth.  Rising  toward  the  southeast, 
it  flows  northwestward  for  about  eighty  leagues,  is  very  rapid,  and 
is  broken  in  its  course  by  eighteen  falls. '^  Continuing  his  journey 
down  this  stream  he  writes:  'On  the  26th,  we  arrived  at  Tehepi- 
mont,  an  exceedingly  mountainous  region.    On  the  27th,  we  ac- 

1  Relation,  1671-2.  J.  R.  LVI,  p.  179. 

^  The  exact  course  from  Lake  Mistassini  to  the  sea  is  well  laid  out  in  the 
report  of  A.  P.  Low,  1885,  who  explored  the  river.    Ibid.  pp.  19  to  22-D. 

2  Rdation,  1671-2.  /.  R.  LVI,  p.  181. 
'^  Ibid.  p.  183. 

^  Ibid.  pp.  181  to  183. 
^  Ibid.  p.  201. 


i66  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

complished  the  last  of  the  portages.  .  .  .  On  the  28th, 
scarcely  had  we  proceeded  a  quarter  of  a  league  when  we  encoun- 
tered, in  a  small  stream  on  the  left,  a  hoy  of  ten  or  twelve  tons, 
with  its  rigging,  carrying  the  English  flag  and  a  lateen  sail,  A 
musket-shot's  distance  thence,  we  entered  two  deserted  houses.'^ 
This  then  was  the  British  settlement  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Rupert  River,  and  the  objective  of  the  expedi- 
tion. Here  the  Father  notes  with  surprise  the  tremendous  ebb  and 
flow  of  the  tide,  which  reaches  out  to  sea  a  distance  of  twenty 
leagues  (according  to  Indian  reports),  and  'all  that  vast  stretch, 
as  far  as  the  eye  can  reach,  presenting  nothing  but  mud  and  rocks, 
for  the  most  part,  and  nearly  all  being  left  bare  of  water;  so  that 
the  river,  flowing  over  that  mud  and  becoming  lost  in  it,  has  not 
then  enough  water  to  float  a  canoe. '^  Albanel  gives  the  latitude 
of  the  river's  mouth  as  fifty  degrees,  which  is  about  one  degree  and 
thirty  minutes  too  far  south. 

The  Father  carefully  noted  his  surroundings,  and  then  pro- 
ceeded north  to  the  East  Main  River.  'The  people  of  the  sea,' 
he  writes,  'dwell  toward  the  northeast  on  the  river  Miskoutenagasit 
— the  name  of  the  place  visited  by  us,  situated  twenty  leagues 
along  the  sea:^  it  is  a  long  rocky  point  at  the  fifty-first  degree  of 
latitude,  where  from  time  immemorial  the  savages  have  been  wont 
to  gather  for  purposes  of  trade.  And  farther  toward  the  northeast 
are  settled  the  Pitchiboutounibuek,  the  Kouakouikouesiouek,  and 
many  other  nations.  Three  days'  journey  into  the  depth  of  the 
bay,  toward  the  northwest,  is  a  large  river  called  by  some  savages 
Kichesipiou,  and  by  others  Mousousipiou,  "Moose  River,"  on 
which  are  many  nations;  while  on  the  left,  as  you  advance,  lies 
the  well-known  island  of  Oubaskou,  forty  leagues  long  by  twenty 
wide,  abounding  in  all  kinds  of  animals,  but  especially  notable  for 
its  white  bears. '^ 

Such  is  the  narrative  of  the  first  overland  journey  to  Hudson 
Bay.  Its  geographical  information  was  first  depicted  on  Franque- 
lin's  map  of  1688,  where  a  continuous  waterway  extends  fiom  Lake 

^Ibid.  p.  185. 

Ibid.  p.  203.  A.  P.  Low  says  that  the  water  in  James  Bay  is  very  shal- 
lov/.    At  low  tide  only  mud  flats  can  be  seen.    Ibid.  p.  22-D. 

3  This  river,  the  East  Main  or  Slade,  is  shown  on  de  Lisle's  map,  1700,  as 
the  Pitchibourini.  Franquelin  on  his  chart  of  1688  shows  it  as  the  Miscour- 
enagache. 

^  Relation,  1671-2.  J.  R.  LVI,  p.  203.  The  island  is  the  modern  Agoomska. 


Overland  Routes  to  the  Northern  Sea  167 

St.  John  to  Hudson  Bay  in  the  form  of  rivers  connecting  through 
Mistassini  and  Nemiskau,  a  curious  design  for  so  skillful  an  engi- 
neer as  Franquelin  who  must  have  known  of  the  existence  of  the 
divide  north  of  Lake  St.  John.  Perhaps  he  conceived  the  idea  that 
the  main  artery  of  the  Chamouchouan,  up  the  Chief  and  Sapin 
Croche  Rivers,  was  the  principal  route,  while  the  Necouba  River 
(in  reality  the  Chegobich)  taken  by  Albanel  he  places  to  the  west- 
ward as  a  stream  of  less  importance.  De  Lisle,  1700,  gives  a  more 
nearly  correct  interpretation.  He  omits  the  connecting  stream 
between  the  two  lakes  and  shows  only  the  Necouba.  Father  Laure, 
of  course,  gives  the  territory  in  more  detail  on  his  map  of  1731. 
He  shows  Albanel's  route  with  a  due  respect  for  the  narrative, 
corrected  by  additional  knowledge;  while  the  shorter  course  up  the 
Sapin  Croche,  though  plainly  indicated,  is  cut  off  from  Mistassini 
by  a  divide  bearing  the  inscription:  'Tous  les  lacs  et  R.  R.  au 
dessus  de  cette  ligne  se  degorgent  dans  le  grand  lac  des  Mistassins,'^ 

The  newly  found  trail  soon  fell  into  disuse,  for  the  Canadians 
found  it  more  feasible  to  undertake  expeditions  to  Hudson  Bay 
by  sea.  Such  undertakings  were  now  more  of  a  military  than  of  a 
commercial  nature  since  the  first  step  in  organizing  a  successful 
fur  trade  was  to  eliminate  the  English.  In  1686  a  Canadian  force 
under  the  Chevalier  de  Troyes  made  its  way,  it  is  true,  north  by 
the  Ottawa  River  and  Lake  Abitibi,  and  waged  a  campaign  against 
the  English  at  their  factories  on  the  Bay,  but  most  journeys  were 
made  by  the  all-watei  route.  The  contest  between  the  French  and 
British  for  these  settlements  lasted  many  years.  Fort  Bourbon 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Nelson  River  was  taken  and  retaken  several 
times,  until  the  Treaty  of  Ryswick,  1697,  made  reciproval  arrange- 
ments for  the  restoration  of  all  colonies,  islands  etc.  which  the 
contracting  parties  had  captured  during  the  war.  A  commission 
was  appointed  to  examine  the  claims  of  each  nation  to  Hudson 
Bay,  'but,'  runs  the  treaty,  'possession  of  those  places  which  were 
taken  by  the  French,  during  the  peace  that  preceded  this  present 
war,  and  were  retaken  by  the  English  during  this  war,  shall  be  left 
to  the  French. '2  This  commission  never  met,  and  the  question  was 
finally  settled  by  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  17 13,  by  which  under 

^  All  the  lakes  and  rivers  above  this  line  discharge  into  the  great  lake  of  the 
Mistassins. 

^  A  Collection  of  all  the  Treaties  of  Peace,  Alliance  and  Commerce  between 
Great  Britain  and  Other  Powers,  pp.  14  and  15. 


1 68  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

article  ten,  France  was  to  restore  to  Great  Britain  the  Bay  and 
Strait  of  Hudson  with  all  its  dependent  shores,  seas  and  rivers.^ 
When  in  1763  Canada  became  a  British  province  geographical 
knowledge  was  too  far  advanced  to  encourage  any  illusions  as  to  a 
practical  northern  water  route  to  the  Japan  Sea;  while  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company  found  it  more  feasible  to  reach  its  trading 
posts  by  water,  than  through  the  forest  pathways  of  Quebec. 

A  discovery  of  minor  importance  in  a  different  region  was  made 
in  1664  by  Father  Henri  Nouvel,  a  recent  arrival  in  Canada.  This 
missionary  descended  the  St.  Lawrence  from  Quebec,  and  coasted 
the  southern  bank  until  he  came  to  the  Isle  aux  Basques,  an  island 
two  leagues  from  the  south  shore.^  There  he  crossed  the  river  and 
landed  at  the  Esseigiou,  a  river  famous  for  the  number  of  salmon 
caught  there  during  the  fishing  season,  and  known  to-day  as  the 
Escoumain.  The  Father  proceeded  eastward  along  the  northern 
shore  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  passed  the  Saut  au  Mouton,  the  Port 
Neuf  and  Bersiamites  Rivers,  and  came  to  the  Outardes,  which 
flows  into  the  St.  Lawrence  not  far  from  the  Gulf.  Ascending 
this  stream  for  no  great  distance  he  made  a  short  portage  and 
entered  'the  great  river  Manikouaganistikou,  which  the  French 
call  riviere  noire,  because  of  its  depth. '^  His  course  lay  up  this 
river,  known  to-day  by  an  abbreviation  of  its  Indian  name  as  the 
Manicuagan,  to  Lake  Ishimanikuagan,  which  he  named  St. 
Barnab^.  Here  Nouvel  erected  his  altar,  and  calling  the  Indians 
together  made  'the  first  sacrifice  ever  offered  in  this  country, 
where  never  before  had  a  European  made  his  appearance.'^  As 
this  expedition  brought  back  but  little  information  it  excited  no 
interest.  Even  the  more  prominent  cartographers  have,  as  a  rule, 
overlooked  it.  De  Lisle,  1700,  gives  a  slight  sketch  of  the  lake  and 
river;  but  it  remained  for  de  Fer  to  do  full  justice  to  the  narrative 
on  his  maps,  on  one  of  which  the  lake  is  shown  by  its  three  names : 
Manikouagan,  Ste  Barbe  and  St.  Barnab^,  and  is  connected  with 
the  St.  Lawrence  by  the  Riviere  Noire. 

^  De  Garden.     Histoire  Generale  des  Traites  de  Paix.  p.  307. 
2  Relation,  1663-4.  /.  R.  XLIX,  p.  23. 
'  Ihid.  p.  47. 
*  Ibid.  p.  49. 


CONCLUSION 

In  concluding  this  account  of  the  contributions  of  the  Canadian 
Jesuits  to  the  geographical  knowledge  of  New  France  from  1632 
to  1675,  it  may  be  permissible  to  remind  the  reader  that  no  attempt 
has  been  made  to  cover  the  entire  field  of  Jesuit  exploration,  as 
many  of  the  earlier  voyages  took  place  in  regions  that  had  previ- 
ously been  covered  by  competent  observers.  We  may  cite  as  an 
illustration  of  this  the  Jesuit  activities  in  Nova  Scotia,  New  Bruns- 
wick and  the  coast  of  Maine,  territories  that  had  already  been  ex- 
plored by  Champlain,  We  have  also  been  obliged,  with  consider- 
able reluctance,  to  pass  over  the  narratives  of  several  Fathers, 
notably  those  of  Buteux  and  Crepieul  in  the  Saguenay  region  and 
of  Le  Jeune  on  the  northern  frontier  of  Maine,  as  these  men  merely 
jotted  down  an  endless  procession  of  lakes,  rivers  and  mountains 
that  defy  identification,  and  made  no  effort,  as  far  as  we  can  judge, 
to  note  intelligently  the  wonderful  panorama  that  unrolled  before 
them.  Yet  even  with  these  exclusions  it  has  been  shown  that  the 
range  of  Jesuit  exploration  extended  northward  to  Hudson  Bay, 
up  the  St.  Lawrence  to  western  New  York  State,  and  westward  to 
Lake  Huron,  Lake  Superior,  Green  Bay,  the  Mississippi  Valley 
and  the  Illinois  River,  truly  a  gigantic  territory. 

The  aim  has  been  to  discuss  the  important  explorations  with  a 
view  to  estabhshing  the  share  which  the  Jesuits  had  in  unfolding 
the  geographical  knowledge  of  an  unknown  continent.  Stress  has 
been  laid  on  the  peculiar  fitness  of  the  Fathers  for  the  work  at  hand 
by  virtue  of  their  educational  advantages,  and  the  courage  which 
they  displayed  under  unusual  hardships.  We  might  also  add,  in 
passing,  that  they  enjoyed  exceptional  opportunities  for  the  dis- 
semination of  geographical  information  through  the  publication 
of  their  annual  Relations.  Some  ground  has  been  covered  in  this 
narrative  that  has  already  been  made  the  object  of  special  studies 
by  such  men  as  Father  Jones,  Francis  Parkman  and  Dr.  Shea; 
but  a  systematic  survey  of  the  entire  field  of  Jesuit  explorations 
during  this  half-century  has  not  before  been  attempted.  It  is  not 
contended  that  the  Jesuits  were  always  the  first  white  men  to  see 
the  distant  parts  of  New  France.  Several  instances  have  been 
noted  where  the  Fathers  were  preceded  by  men  who  struck  out  into 
the  wilderness  for  the  sake  of  trade  before  the  Fathers  put  in  an 


170  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

appearance,  but  it  is  to  the  Jesuits  that  we  are  indebted  for  many 
of  the  earliest  recorded  explorations  of  New  France.  One  might 
point  out  an  interesting  analogy  between  these  inarticulate  ex- 
plorers and  the  Jesuits  on  one  hand,  and  the  barren  discoveries  of 
the  Norsemen  as  compared  to  the  voyages  of  Columbus  on  the 
other.  It  would  show,  among  other  things,  that  the  value  of  a 
discovery  lies  in  the  ability  to  get  the  news  before  the  world  in  such 
a  way  as  to  enable  the  world  to  profit  by  it.  It  was  in  this  that  the 
Jesuits  excelled. 

It  is  not  contended  that  the  map-making  of  the  period  is  based 
exclusively  on  Jesuit  narratives.  Such  a  contention  would  be  im- 
possible to  establish.  Yet  it  has  been  shown  that  important  maps, 
as  for  instance  those  of  Sanson  and  Creuxius,  followed  the  Jesuit 
narratives  in  such  a  manner  as  to  leave  little  doubt  as  to  the  indebt- 
edness of  the  cartographer  to  the  missionary.  Maps  for  which  the 
Jesuits  are  responsible  speak  for  themselves.  In  addition  to  the 
Relations  one  must  consider  the  vast  amount  of  material  that 
could  be  gleaned  on  the  spot  by  those  so  fortunate  as  to  be  there. 
Franquelin,  who  hved  at  Quebec,  was  able  to  get  his  information 
at  first  hand,  a  fact  that  makes  his  charts  doubly  valuable;  and 
one  can  imagine  with  what  eagerness  he  sought  out  returned  ex- 
plorers and  spent  long  hours  in  subjecting  them  to  an  exhaustive 
cross-examination.  Probably  none  were  more  eagerly  questioned, 
at  least  during  the  period  we  are  studying,  than  the  sturdy  Jesuit 
pioneers,  whose  observations  had  the  advantage  of  being  conducted 
in  an  intelligent  manner  .  No  doubt,  if  the  truth  could  be  known, 
we  should  find  that  the  Jesuit  Fathers  contributed  far  more  to 
geographical  knowledge  than  is  recorded  in  their  Relations. 


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171 


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Thwaites'  edition  of  the  Jesuit  Relations,  the  cartographical  references 
in  this  work  are  invaluable.  As  far  as  we  can  judge  it  contains  a  description 
or  name  of  every  map  of  New  France,  or  its  subdivisions,  within  the  dates 
named. 

Miiller,  Frederick  &  Co.  Catalogue  of  Geographical  Books  and  Pamphlets. 
Part  III.  Published  at  Amsterdam  1843. 

Winsor,  Justin.  Bibliographical  Contribution  ^19.  The  Kohl  Collection  of 
Maps  Relating  to  North  America.      1886. 

Phillips,  P.  Lee.    A  List  of  Maps  in  the  Library  oj  Congress,  1901. 

Phillips,  P.  Lee.  A  List  of  Geographical  Atlases  in  the  Library  of  Congress  with 
Bibliographical  Notes. 

General  Histories 

Bryce,  George.    The  Remarkable  History  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  1900. 

Campbell,  T.  J.  Pioneer  Prists  of  North  America,  1642-1710.    3  vols.  1913. 

Charlevoix,  P.  F.  X.  History  and  General  Description  of  New  France.  1744. 
Translated  by  J.  G.  Shea.  6  Vols.  1866. 

De  Vaugondy,  Robert.    Essai  sur  V  Histoire  de  la  Geographic.  1755. 

Faillon,  Abbe.  Histoire  de  la  Colonic  Frangaise  en  Canada.    3  vols.  1865. 

Hallam,  Henry.  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  Europe  in  the  Fifteenth,  Six- 
teenth and  Seventeenth  Centuries.    1863. 

Harrisse,  Henri.    The  Discovery  of  North  America.    1892. 

Lelewel,  Joachim.  Geographic  du  Moyen  Age.  4  volumes  and  epilogue. 
Published  at  Brussels  in  1852. 

Michaud,  Louis  G.  Biographic  Universelle,  Ancienne  et  Moderne. 

O'Callaghan,  E.  B.  History  of  Neio  Netherland  or,  New  York  under  the 
Dutch.    2  vols.  1855. 


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mation.   It  contains  chapters  written  by  different  authors. 

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Nicolet  in  1634-  1881.  In  this  book  the  author  proves  that  Nicolet  made 
his  expedition  to  Green  Bay  in  1634  instead  of  in  1639,  the  date  formerly 
accepted.  His  conclusion  is  now  regarded  as  proven.  Butterfield  also 
traces  Nicolet's  route. 

Butterfield,  Consul  W.  History  of  Brule's  Discoveries  and  Explorations  1610- 
1626.  1898.  An  excellent  discussion  of  Brule's  work  as  an  explorer.  The 
author  has  made  a  careful  study  of  his  subject,  though  his  conclusions  as  to 
BruM's  discovery  of  Lake  Superior  are  open  to  question. 

Campbell,  Henry  C.  Pere  Rene  Menard,  the  predecessor  of  Allouez  and  Mar- 
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An  analysis  of  Menard's  route  from  the  missiom  on  Lake  Superior  to  the 
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Chouinard,  F.  X.  Jean  Baptiste  Louis  Franquelin.  Bulletin  de  la  Societi  de 
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174  Geographical  Contributions  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits 

La  Boul6,   Joseph  S.  Claude  Jean  Allouez,  The  Apostle  of  the  Ottawas  and 

Builder  of  the  First  Indian  Missions  in  Wisconsin.    1897.    Parkamn  Club 

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Neill,  Edward  D.  Groseilliers  and  Radisson.  the  first  Explorers  of  Lake  Superior 

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pagnie  de  Jisus,  Missionaire  dans  la  Nouvelle  France.    Ecrite  par  lui-mime 

par  ordre  de  son  Superieur,  Van  1688.    1858. 
Sparks,  Jared.    Life  of  Father  Marquette.  1839. 
Sparks,  Jared.    Life  of  Robert  Cavalier  de  La  Salle.    1844. 
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1902.     Minnesota  Hist.   Coll.  Vol.  X.  Part  2.     An  exhaustive  study  of 

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State  Museum  Bulletin  ft  108.     This  paper  gives  an  enormous  number  of 

Indian  names  with  modern  equivalents.    It  is  valuable  as  a  work  of  reference. 
Beauchamp,  William  M.    A  History  of  the  New  York  Iroquois,  now  Commonly 

Called  the  Six   Nations.     Bulletin  #78,  Archeology  ^g  of  the   New   York 

State  Museum.    1905. 
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State  Museum  Bulletin  ^32.    1900. 
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county  of  Elgin,)  from  Champlain  to  Talbot.    1895. 
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makes  a  study  of  its  origin  and  historical  value. 
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little  can  be  added. 
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